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(during economic crisis)

  • 1 economic crisis

    эк. экономический кризис (период снижения объема производства в экономике, который сопровождается падением цен, снижением уровня сбережений и инвестиций, безработицей; может быть вызван внешним событием, напр., повышением международных цен на нефть, или быть элементом делового цикла)

    economic crises of the 1930s — экономические кризисы в 1930-х гг.

    He argues that class conflicts and economic crises are built into the way the economic system works. — Он утверждал, что классовые конфликты и экономические кризисы являются неотъемлемыми элементами функционирования экономической системы.

    They went bankrupt during the economic crisis. — Во время экономического кризиса они стали банкротами.

    See:
    * * *

    Англо-русский экономический словарь > economic crisis

  • 2 crisis

    N
    1. संकट
    They went bankrupt during the economic crisis
    After the crisis the patient either dies or gets better

    English-Hindi dictionary > crisis

  • 3 hard

    hard [hɑ:d]
    dur1 (a)-(c), 2 (a) difficile1 (b) froid1 (c) rude1 (c) concret1 (d) fort2 (a) difficilement2 (b) durement2 (c)
    (a) (not soft → substance, light, colour) dur;
    to get or to become hard durcir;
    rock hard, (as) hard as rock dur comme la pierre;
    his muscles are rock hard or (as) hard as rock ses muscles sont durs comme le fer, il a des muscles d'acier;
    she is (as) hard as nails (emotionally) elle est dure, elle n'a pas de cœur; (physically) c'est une dure à cuire
    (b) (difficult → question, problem etc) difficile, dur;
    the laws make it hard to leave the country à cause des lois, il est difficile de quitter le pays;
    to have a hard fight or struggle on one's hands avoir une lourde tâche devant soi;
    it's hard to explain c'est difficile ou dur à expliquer;
    I find it hard to understand/believe that... je n'arrive pas à comprendre pourquoi/croire que...;
    it's hard to say c'est difficile à dire;
    he's hard to get on with il n'est pas facile à vivre;
    she is hard to please (never satisfied) elle est difficile; (difficult to buy gifts for etc) c'est difficile de lui faire plaisir;
    it's hard to beat on trouve difficilement mieux;
    it's hard to beat a good Bordeaux il n'y a rien de meilleur qu'un bon bordeaux;
    the hardest part of the job is done le plus dur est fait;
    life is hard c'est dur, la vie;
    times are hard les temps sont durs ou difficiles;
    these are hard times for all of us c'est une période difficile pour tout le monde;
    to fall on hard times (financially) connaître des temps difficiles ou une période de vaches maigres; (have difficult times) connaître des temps difficiles, en voir de dures;
    to give sb a hard time en faire voir de dures à qn;
    the boss has just been giving me a hard time le patron vient de me faire passer un mauvais quart d'heure;
    come on, don't give me a hard time! allez, laisse-moi tranquille!;
    you'll have a hard time (of it) persuading him to do that tu vas avoir du mal à le convaincre de faire cela;
    she had a hard time of it after her mother's death elle a traversé une période difficile après la mort de sa mère;
    she had a hard time of it when she was a child la vie n'était pas drôle pour elle quand elle était enfant;
    she had a hard time of it (in childbirth, operation) elle a souffert;
    to learn sth the hard way (involving personal loss, suffering etc) apprendre qch à ses dépens; (in a difficult way) faire le rude apprentissage de qch;
    I learnt the hard way not to be underinsured j'ai appris à mes dépens qu'il ne faut pas être sous-assuré;
    I learnt skiing the hard way j'ai appris à skier à la dure;
    I learnt my seamanship the hard way j'ai fait le rude apprentissage du métier de marin;
    some people always have to do things the hard way il y a des gens qui choisissent toujours la difficulté;
    to play hard to get (flirt) jouer les insaisissables;
    humorous their financial expert is playing hard to get leur expert financier semble jouer à cache-cache;
    the hard of hearing les malentendants mpl;
    to be hard of hearing être dur d'oreille;
    a glass of wine, or would you prefer a drop of the hard stuff? un verre de vin, ou bien préféreriez-vous une goutte de quelque chose de plus fort?;
    keep off the hard stuff évitez les boissons fortes
    (c) (severe → voice, face, eyes) dur, froid; (→ climate, winter) rigoureux, rude; (→ frost) fort, rude;
    he's hard (tough) c'est un dur;
    to be hard on sb être dur avec qn;
    children are hard on their shoes les enfants font subir de mauvais traitements à leurs chaussures;
    it's hard on the nerves c'est dur pour les nerfs;
    it was hard on the others ça a été dur pour les autres;
    it's hardest on the children le plus dur, c'est pour les enfants;
    to be a hard taskmaster être dur à la tâche;
    to take a long hard look at sth examiner qch de près;
    you should take a long hard look at yourself tu devrais bien te regarder;
    it's a hard blow for him c'est un coup terrible pour lui;
    no hard feelings? tu ne m'en veux pas?;
    familiar hard luck!, British hard cheese!, hard lines! pas de chance!, pas de veine!, pas de bol!;
    it will be hard luck if he doesn't get the job ça ne sera pas de veine ou de bol s'il n'obtient pas le travail;
    don't give me any of your hard luck stories ne me raconte pas tes malheurs;
    he gave me some hard luck story about having lost his investments il a essayé de m'apitoyer en me racontant qu'il avait perdu l'argent qu'il avait investi;
    familiar a hard nut or man un dur
    (d) (concrete → facts) concret(ète), tangible; (→ evidence) tangible;
    the hard fact is that there isn't enough money la vérité, c'est qu'il n'y a pas assez d'argent;
    the argument was not backed up by any hard fact l'argument ne s'appuyait sur rien de concret
    it's been a long hard day la journée a été longue;
    it's hard work c'est dur;
    it was hard work to convince him j'ai eu fort à faire pour le convaincre;
    she's hard work (difficult to get on with) elle n'est pas facile à vivre; (difficult to make conversation with) elle n'est pas causante;
    she's not afraid of hard work le travail ne lui fait pas peur;
    the climb was hard going la montée était rude;
    it's hard going making conversation with him c'est difficile de discuter avec lui
    she's a hard worker c'est un bourreau de travail;
    he's a hard drinker c'est un gros buveur, il boit beaucoup;
    he's a hard charger c'est un fonceur;
    give it a good hard shove pousse-le un bon coup, pousse-le fort
    (g) Finance (stock, rates) soutenu, ferme
    (a) (strenuously → pull, push, hit, breathe) fort; (→ work) dur; (→ run) à toutes jambes; (→ listen) attentivement;
    to work hard at sth beaucoup travailler qch;
    to work hard at improving one's service/French beaucoup travailler pour améliorer son service/français;
    to work sb hard faire travailler qn dur;
    he works hard and plays hard il se dépense beaucoup dans son travail et dans ses loisirs;
    you'll have to try harder il faudra que tu fasses plus d'efforts;
    to try hard to do sth essayer de son mieux de faire qch;
    try hard! fais de ton mieux!;
    to think hard beaucoup réfléchir;
    think hard! réfléchis bien!;
    think harder! réfléchis un peu plus!;
    we can't find it - well, look harder! nous ne le trouvons pas - et bien cherchez mieux!;
    you didn't look very hard! tu n'as pas bien cherché;
    to look hard at sb regarder qn bien en face;
    to look hard at sth examiner qch;
    as hard as possible, as hard as one can (work, try) le plus qu'on peut; (push, hit, squeeze) de toutes ses forces;
    Nautical hard astern! arrière, toute!;
    Cars she hauled the wheel hard over elle a braqué à fond;
    Cars to turn hard to the left braquer à gauche, faire un virage très sec vers la gauche;
    to swim hard for the shore nager de toutes ses forces vers le rivage;
    British they're hard at it (working) ils sont plongés dans leur travail
    (b) (with difficulty) difficilement;
    to be hard put or pushed or pressed to do sth avoir du mal à faire qch;
    you'll be hard put to find a shop open at this time tu vas avoir du mal à trouver une boutique ouverte à cette heure-ci;
    old habits die hard les vieilles habitudes ont la vie dure
    (c) (harshly, severely → treat someone) durement, sévèrement; (→ rain) à verse; (→ freeze, snow) fort;
    he's feeling hard done by il a l'impression d'avoir été injustement traité;
    to be hard hit by sth être durement touché par qch;
    she took the news/his death pretty hard la nouvelle/sa mort l'a beaucoup éprouvée;
    old-fashioned it'll go hard with him if he keeps telling lies ça va aller mal pour lui s'il continue à raconter des mensonges
    the ground was frozen hard le gel avait complètement durci la terre;
    to set hard (concrete, mortar) prendre
    to follow hard on the heels of sb être sur les talons de qn;
    to follow or to come hard on the heels of sth suivre qch de très près
    hard up (short of money) fauché, à sec;
    to be hard up for ideas manquer d'idées, être à court d'idées ;
    to be hard up for volunteers manquer de volontaires ;
    figurative you must be hard up if you're going out with him! il faut vraiment que tu n'aies rien à te mettre sous la dent pour sortir avec lui!
    3 noun
    to try one's hardest faire de son mieux
    old-fashioned tout près de
    ►► Typography & Computing hard carriage return retour m chariot obligatoire;
    familiar hard case (person) dur(e) m,f à cuire;
    hard cash (argent m) liquide m;
    American hard cider cidre m;
    hard coal anthracite m;
    Finance hard commodities minerais mpl;
    Linguistics hard consonant consonne f dure;
    Computing hard copy copie f sur papier, sortie f papier;
    hard core (nucleus) noyau m dur; Building industry empierrement m; Music hard rock m inv, hard m inv; (pornography) porno m hard;
    British Sport hard court (for tennis) court m en ciment;
    hard currency monnaie f ou devise f forte;
    a hard currency shop un magasin où on paye en devises;
    Computing hard disk disque m dur;
    Computing hard disk drive, hard drive unité f de disque dur;
    hard drug drogue f dure;
    Horseriding hard gallop galop m soutenu;
    hard hat (of construction worker) casque m; American familiar (construction worker) ouvrier(ère) m,f du bâtiment;
    hard hat area = zone où le port du casque est obligatoire;
    hard hat area (sign) port du casque obligatoire;
    Typography & Computing hard hyphen césure f imposée, trait m d'union imposé;
    hard labour (UNCOUNT) travaux mpl forcés;
    hard landing (by spacecraft) atterrissage m avec impact; figurative (during economic crisis) atterrissage m brutal;
    Metallurgy hard lead plomb m aigre;
    Politics the hard left l'extrême gauche;
    hard line ligne f de conduite dure;
    to take a hard line on sb/sth adopter une ligne de conduite dure avec qn/sur qch;
    hard liquor spiritueux mpl;
    Finance hard loan prêt m aux conditions du marché;
    Press hard news nouvelles fpl sûres ou vérifiées;
    Veterinary medicine hard pad coussinet m dur;
    Typography & Computing hard page break fin f de page obligatoire;
    Anatomy hard palate voûte f du palais, palais m dur;
    hard porn porno m hard, hard m inv;
    Computing hard reset réinitialisation f totale de la machine;
    Typography & Computing hard return saut m de ligne manuel;
    Politics the hard right l'extrême droit;
    Music hard rock hard rock m inv, hard m inv; esp American Cookery hard sauce = sauce au beurre, au sucre et au brandy ou au rhum servie avec le pudding;
    hard science science f dure;
    hard sell vente f agressive;
    to give sth the hard sell promouvoir qch de façon agressive;
    the salesman gave us the hard sell le vendeur a essayé de nous forcer la main;
    hard sell approach, hard sell tactics méthode f de vente agressive;
    Cars hard shoulder bande f d'arrêt d'urgence;
    hard space espace m insécable;
    hard water eau f calcaire ou dure
    ✾ Book 'Hard Times' Dickens 'Les Temps difficiles'

    Un panorama unique de l'anglais et du français > hard

  • 4 lay-off

    сущ.
    тж. layoff
    1)
    а) эк. тр. увольнение (обычно из-за отсутствия работы; часто подразумеваются временные увольнения)

    disciplinary lay-off — дисциплинарное увольнение, увольнение в качестве наказания

    The recent economic crisis has led to massive layoffs. — Последний экономический кризис повлек за собой массовые увольнения.

    Syn:
    See:
    б) эк. тр. период временного увольнения

    coverage may be discontinued during layoff — действие страхового покрытия на период временного увольнения может быть приостановлено

    If this coverage is not continued during Layoff, a new enrollment form must be completed within one week of the employee's return to work. — Если это страховое покрытие не сохранялось в период временного увольнения, то в течение одной недель со дня возвращения работника на работу должен быть заполнен новый бланк о приме на страхование.

    2) эк. приостановка (производства, работы); временное прекращение деятельности ( в связи с болезнью или для отдыха)

    he is playing again after a six-week layoff due to injury — он снова играет после шести недель перерыва, вызванного травмой

    Англо-русский экономический словарь > lay-off

  • 5 midst

    midst [mɪdst]
    in the midst of ( = in the middle of) au milieu de ; ( = among) parmi ; ( = during) au beau milieu de
    * * *
    [mɪdst]

    in the midst of change/war — en plein changement/pleine guerre

    English-French dictionary > midst

  • 6 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 7 CULTURE, LITERATURE, AND LANGUAGE

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       ■ PHYSICAL FEATURES: GEOGRAPHY, GEOLOGY, FAUNA, AND FLORA
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       ■ Stanislawski, Dan. The Individuality of Portugal. Austin: The University of Texas Press, 1959.
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       ■ Taylor, Albert William. Wild Flowers of Spain and Portugal. London: Chatto & Windus, 1972.
       ■ Way, Ruth, and Margaret Simmons. A Geography of Spain and Portugal. London: Methuen, 1962.
       ■ ARCHAEOLOGY AND PREHISTORY
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       ■ FOREIGN TRAVELERS AND RESIDENTS' ACCOUNTS
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       ■. "Peasants and Politics in Salazar's Portugal: The Corporate State and Village 'Nonpolitics'" In L. S. Graham and H. Makler, eds., Contemporary Portugal: The Revolution and Its Antecedents, 167-90. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979.
       ■ Rodrigues, Julieta E. S. de Almeida. "Continuity and Change in Urban Portuguese Women's Roles: Emerging New Household Structures." Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Sociology, Columbia University, 1979.
       ■ Rowland, Robert. "Demographic Patterns and Rural Society in Portugal." So-ciologica Ruralis 26, 1 (1986): 36-47.
       ■ Sanchis, Pierre. Arraial. La Fête d'un Peuple: Les Pélerinages Populaires au Portugal. Paris, 1976.
       ■ Siegel, Bernard J. "Social Structure and Medical Practitioners in Rural Brazil and Portugal." Sociologia (São Paulo) 20, 4 (Oct. 1958): 463-76.
       ■. "Conflict, Parochialism and Social Differentiation in Portuguese Society." Journal of Conflict Resolution V, 1 (March 1961): 35-12.
       ■ Smith, T. Lynn. "The Social Relationships of Man to the Land in Portugal." Sociologia 25, 1 (Dec. 1963): 319-43.
       ■ Sousa Santos, Boaventura. "Estado e sociedade na semiperíferia do sistema mundiale: O caso português." Análise Social 87-89 (1985): 869-902.
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       ■ Vasconcellos, Joaquim Leite de. Ethnograia Portuguesa, 8 vols. Lisbon, 1941-82.
       ■. Tradições Populares Portugueses. New ed. Lisbon, 1986.
       ■ Willems, Emilio. "On Portuguese Family Structure." International Journal of Comparative Society (Dharwar, India) 3, 1 (Sept. 1962): 65-79.
       ■ ARTS, ARCHITECTURE, URBAN PLANNING, MUSIC
       ■ Almeida, Rodrigo Vicente de. História da Arte em Portugal: ( Segundo Estudo) Documentos lnéditos. Oporto, 1883. Almeida D'Eca, Admiral Vicente M. Castles of Portugal. Lisbon, 1925. Amaral, Francisco K. Lisboa: Uma Cidade em Transformação. Lisbon, 1969. Azevedo, Carlos de, and Chester Brummel. Churches of Portugal. New York: Scala Books, 1985.
       ■ Barreira, João, ed. Arte Portuguesa: As Decorativas, 2 vols. Lisbon, n.d.
       ■ Barretto, Mascarenhas, and George Dykes. Fado: Lyrical Origins and Poetical Motivation. Lisbon, 1977.
       ■ Binney, Marcus. Country Manors of Portugal. London: Scala, 1987.
       ■ Branco, Luís de Freitas. A Música em Portugal. Lisbon, 1930.
       ■ Brito, Manuel Carlos de. Opera in Portugal in the Eighteenth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989.
       ■ Carvalho, Pinto de. História de Fado. Lisbon, 1903 and 1982 eds.
       ■ Castro d'Aire, Teresa. O Fado. Lisbon: Temas da Actualidade, 1996.
       ■ Chicó, Mário Tavares. A Architectura Gótica em Portugal. Lisbon, 1968.
       ■ França, José-Augusto. A Arte em Portugal No Século XIX. Lisbon, 1966.
       ■. Lisboa Pombalina e o Illuminismo, 2nd ed. Lisbon, 1977.
       ■ Gallop, Rodney. "The Fado (The Portuguese Song of Fate)." Musical Quarterly XIX (1933): 199-213.
       ■. Eight Portuguese Folksongs. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1936.
       ■ Gil, Júlio. The Finest Churches in Portugal. Lisbon, 1988.
       ■. The Finest Castles in Portugal, 3rd ed. George F. W. Dykes, trans. Lisbon, 1996.
       ■ Gonçalves, Rui Mário. Pintura e escultura em Portugal. Lisbon: Instituto de Cultura, 1984.
       ■. 100 Pintores Portugueses do século XX. Lisbon: Alfa, 1986.
       ■ Kubler, George. Portuguese Plain Architecture: Between Spices and Diamonds, 1521-1706. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1972.
       ■. Studies in Ancient American and European Art: The Collected Essays of George Kubler. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1985.
       ■, and Martin Soria. Art and Architecture in Spain and Portugal. Harmondsworth, U.K.: Penguin, 1959.
       ■ Lacerda, Aarão de. História da Arte em Portugal, 2 vols. Oporto, 1942-48.
       ■ Leão, Joaquim de Sousa. "Decorative Art: The Azulejo." In H. V. Livermore, ed. Portugal and Brazil: An Introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1953.
       ■ Lopes Graça, Fernando. A canção popular portuguesa. Lisbon, 1953.
       ■ Moita, Luís. O fado: canção de vencidos. Lisbon, 1936.
       ■ Neves, José Cassiano. The Palace and Gardens of Fronteira: Seventeenth and Eighteenth Century Portuguese Style. Lisbon: Quetzal and Scala, 1995. North, C.T. Guia dos castelos antigos de Portugal, 2 vols. Lisbon: Bertrand Ed., 2002.
       ■ Pacheco, Jose. Stuart Carvalhais. O desenho grafico e a imprensa. Lisbon: Biblioteca do Empresario, 2000. Pereira, Paulo, ed. Arte portuguesa. Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores, 1995. Picchio, Luciana Stegagno. Storia del Teatro Portoghese. Rome: Edizinio deli' Ateneo, 1964.
       ■ Queirós, José. Cerâmica Portuguesa, 2 vols. 2nd rev. ed. Lisbon, 1948.
       ■ Santos, Luís Reis. Monuments of Portugal. Lisbon, 1940.
       ■ Santos, Reinaldo dos. A Escultura em Portugal, 2 vols. Lisbon, 1948-50.
       ■. História da Arte em Portugal. Oporto, 1953.
       ■ Sasportes, José. História da Dança em Portugal. Lisbon, 1970. Simões, J. M. dos Santos. "Azulejos in a Land of Many Colours." Connoisseur (London) CXXXVII, 551 (1956): 15-21.
       ■ Smith, Robert C. A Talha em Portugal. Lisbon, 1963.
       ■. The Art of Portugal, 1500-1800. London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1968.
       ■. "The Building of Mafra." Apollo 97, 134 (April 1973): 360-67.
       ■ Stoop, Anne de. Demeures portugaises dans les environs de Lisbonne. Paris: Weber, 1986.
       ■. Palais et manoirs: Le Minho. Paris: Ed. du Seuil, 1995.
       ■ Tannock, Michael. Portuguese 20th Century Artists: A Biographical Dictionary. Chichester, U.K.: Phillimore, 1978.
       ■ Taylor, René. "The Architecture of Port Wine." The Architectural Review CXXIX, 772 (1961): 368-99.
       ■ Terol, Marylene. Azulejos a Lisbonne. Paris: Hervas, 1992.
       ■ Veiga de Oliveira, Ernesto. Instrumentos musicais populares portugueses. Lisbon, 1982.
       ■ Watson, Walter Crum. Portuguese Architecture. London: Constable, 1908. Wohl, Hellmut. "Carlos Mardel and His Lisbon Architecture." Apollo 97, 134 (April 1973): 350-59.
       ■ Andrade, Sergio de. "Presepios." In Dicionario de Arte Barroca em Portugal. Lisbon: Presenca, 1989. Barreira, Joao. Arte Portuguesa, Arquitectura e Escultura. Lisbon: Excelsior, n.d.
       ■ Cardoso, Arnaldo Pinto. O Presepio Barroco Portugues. Lisbon: Bertrand, 2003.
       ■ Chaves, Luis. Os Barristas Portugueses. Coimbra, 1925.
       ■. Natal Portugues. Oporto: Liv. Classica Editora, 1942.
       ■ Gargano, Pietro. Il Presepio. Otto Secoli di Storia, Arte, Tradizione. Milan: Fenice, 1995.
       ■ Lima, Henrique de Campos F. Joaquim Machado de Castro, Escultor Conimbricense. Coimbra: Instituto de Historia de Arte, 1989. Macedo, Diogo de. Presepios Portugueses. Lisbon: Artis, 1951.
       ■. Machado de Castro. Lisbon: Artis, 1958.
       ■ Morais, Heitor. Natal do Meu Coracao. Braga: Ed. A.O., 1991.
       ■ Pais, Alexandre Nobre. Presepios Portugueses Monumentos do Seculo XVIII em Terracotta, 2 vols. Master's thesis in history of art, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1998.
       ■ Queiros, Jose. Ceramica Portuguesa. Lisbon: Presenca, 1998. Santos, Reinaldo dos. A Escultura em Portugal. Lisbon: Bertrand, 1951. Serrao, Vitor. Historia da Arte em Portugal IV-O Barroco. Lisbon: Presenca, 2003.
       ■ Smith, Robert C. The Art Of Portugal 1500-1800. New York: Meredith Press, 1968.
       ■ Sousa, Ernesto de. Presepios. Lisbon: Bertrand, 1998.
       ■ Cinema
       ■ Antunes, Joao and Jose de Matos-Cruz, Cinema Portugues 1896-1998. Lisbon: Lusomundo, 1997.
       ■ Bandeira, Jose Gomes. Porto: 100 anos de cinema portugues. Oporto: Camara Municipal do Porto, 1996. Duarte, Fernando. Primitivos do Cinema Portugues. Lisbon: Cinecultura, 1960.
       ■ Faria de Almeida, M., Resumo da Historia do Cinema. Lisbon: RTP, 1982. Nobre, Roberto. Singularidades do Cinema Portugues. Lisbon: Portugalia, n.d.
       ■ Pina, Luis de. Aventura do Cinema Portugues. Lisbon: Vega, 1977.
       ■. Documentarismo Portugues. Lisbon: IPC, 1977.
       ■. Panorama do Cinema Portugues. Lisbon: Terra Livre, 1978.
       ■. Historia do Cinema Portugues. Mem Martins: Europa-America, 1986.
       ■ Ribeiro, Felix. O Cinema Portugues antes do Sonoro. Esboco Historiconema Portugues. Lisbon: Terra Livre, 1978.
       ■. Panorama do Cinema Portugues. Lisbon: n.d.
       ■ Andresen, Sofia de Melo Breyner. A Fada Oriana. 9th ed. Lisbon: Figueiri-nhas, 1985.
       ■ Araújo, Matilde Rosa. A estrada fascinante. Lisbon: Livros Horizonte, 1988. Barreto, Garcia. Literatura Para Crianças E Jovens Em Portugal. Oporto:
       ■ Campo Das Letras, 1998. Bastos, Glória. A escrita para crianças em Portugal no seculo XIX. Lisbon:
       ■ Caminho da Educaçao, 1997. Cadet, Maria Rita Chiappe. Os Contos da Mamã. Lisbon: Lallement Freres, 1883.
       ■ Castro, Fernanda. Mariazinha em Africa, 2nd ed. Lisbon: Portugália, 1947. Cross, Esther, and Wilbur Cross. Portugal. Chicago: Childrens Press, 1986. DeSkalon, Anna, and Christa Stadtler. We Live in Portugal. New York: Watts, 1987.
       ■ Gomes, Alice. A Nau Catrineta, 2nd ed. Lisbon: Portugália, 1973.
       ■. A literatura para a infância. Lisbon: Torres & Abreu, 1979.
       ■ Letria, José Jorge. Do sentimento mágico da vida. Lisbon: Escritor, 1994. Müller, Adolfo Simões. Historiazinha de Portugal, 6th ed. Oporto: Tavares Martins, 1983.
       ■ Osório, Ana de Castro. Para as crianças. Illustr. by Leal da Câmara. Setúbal: Liv. Crianças, 1908.
       ■ Pires, Maria Laura Bettencourt. História da literatura infantil portuguesa. Lisbon: Vega, 1981. Ribeiro, Aquilino. Arca de Noé-III Classe. Lisbon, 1989. Rocha, Natércia. Breve História da Literatura para Crianças em Portugal. Lisbon: Instituto de Cultura e Língua Portuguesa, 1984.
       ■. Bibliografia geral da literatura portuguesa para crianças. Lisbon: Edit. Comunicação, 1987.
       ■ Sá, Domingos Guimarães de. A literatura infantil em Portugal. Braga: Edit. Franciscana, 1981.
       ■ Selfridge. John. Portugal. New York: Chelsea House, 1990. Vaz de Carvalho, Maria Amália. Contos para os Nossos Filhos, 11th ed. Oporto: Barreira, 1947.
       ■ Viana, António Manuel Couto. Jõao de Deus e um século de literatura infantil em Portugal. Lisbon: Ed. do Templo, 1978.
       ■ Lisbon, Capital City, in History and Literature
       ■ Castelo-Branco, Fernando. Lisboa Seiscentista, 3rd ed. Lisbon: 1969.
       ■ Castilho, Júlio de. Lisboa Antiga, 7 vols. Lisbon, 1935-45.
       ■ Couto, Dejanirah. Histoire de Lisbonne. Paris: Fayard, 2000.
       ■ Crespo, Ángel. Lisboa Mítica e Literária. Lisbon: Liv. Horizonte, 1987.
       ■ Dias, Marina Tavares. Lisboa Desaparecida. Lisbon: Quimera, 1990.
       ■ Dionísio, Sant'anna, ed. Guia de Portugal. Vol. I: Lisboa e Arredores. Lisbon: Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa, 1924, orig. ed; reprint, Gulbenkian Foundation, 1979.
       ■ França, José-Augusto. Lisboa Pombalina e o Iluminismo. Lisbon: Bertrand, 1977.
       ■ Moita, Irisalva, ed. O Livro de Lisboa. Lisbon: Liv. Horizonte, 1994.
       ■ Neves, Orlando. Lisboa em Crónica. Lisbon: Author's Ed., 1968.
       ■ Pavão, Luís, and Mário Pereira. Tabernas de Lisboa. Lisbon: Assírio & Alvim, 1981.
       ■ Pessoa, Fernando. Lisboa. O que o turista deve ver: What the Tourist Should See. Lisbon: Liv. Horizonte, 1997.
       ■ Queirós, José Maria Eça de. À Capital. Lisbon: Sá da Costa, 1960.
       ■ Santos, Piedade Braga, et al. Lisboa Setecentista vista por Estrangeiros. Lisbon: Liv. Horizonte, 1996.
       ■ Vieira, Alice. Esta Lisboa. Lisbon: Caminho, 1993.
       ■ Wright, David, and Patrick Swift. Lisbon: A Portrait and Guide. New York: Scribners, 1971.
       ■ Azevedo, João Lúcio. Historia das Cristãos-Novos. Lisbon: Liv. Clássica, 1975.
       ■ Baião, António. A Inquisição em Portugal e no Brasil: Subsídios para a sua história. Lisbon: Arquivo Histórico Portugues, 1906. Bethencourt, Francisco. "Portugal: A Scrupulous Inquisition," In Bengt Ankarloo and Gustav Henningsen, eds., Early Modern Witchcraft: Centres and Peripheries, 403-22. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990.
       ■. "Os equilíbrios sociais do Poder." In José Mattoso, ed., Historia De Portugal, Vol. 3, No Alvorecer Da Modernidade ( 1480-1620). Lisbon: Estampa, 1993.
       ■. História das Inquisições: Portugal, Espanha e Itália. Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores, 1994.
       ■ Braga, Maria Luísa. A Inquisição em Portugal na primeira metade do Séc. XVIII. Lisbon: Inst. Nacional de Investigação Científica, 1992.
       ■ Haliczer, Stephen, ed. Inquisition and Society in Early Modern Europe. London: Croom Helm, 1987.
       ■ Herculano, Alexandre. History of the Origin and Establishment of the Inquisition in Portugal. Reprint. New York: AMS Press, 1968.
       ■ Magalhães, Joaquim Romero. "Em Busca dos Tempos da Inquisição (15731615)." Revista de História das Ideias 9 (1987): 191-228.
       ■ Mea, Elvira Cunha Azevedo. A Inquisição de Coimbra no Século XVI. Oporto, 1989.
       ■ Mendonça, José Lourenço D. de, and António Joaquim Moreira. História da Inquisição em Portugal. Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores, 1980.
       ■ Novinsky, Anita, and Luísa M. Carneiro, eds. Inquisição: Ensaios sobre Mentalidade, Heresias e Arte. Rio de Janeiro: Expressão e Cultura, 1992.
       ■ Pereira, Isais da Rosa. Documentos para a história da Inquisição em Portugal. Lisbon, 1987.
       ■ Rego, Yvonne Cunha, ed. Feiticeiros, Profetas e Visionários: Textos Antigos Portugueses. Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional e Casa da Moeda, 1981.
       ■ Saraiva, António José. Inquisição e cristãos-novos. Lisbon: Estampa, 1985.
       ■ Walker, Timothy Dale. "Doctors, Folk Medicine and the Inquisition: The Repression of Popular Healing in Portugal during the Enlightenment Era." Ph.D. dissertation, Department of History, Boston University, 2001.
       ■ Literature in English Translation: Selection
       ■ Alcaforado, Mariana. The Letters of a Portuguese Nun ( Mariana Alcaforado). Edgar Prestage, trans. London: D. Nutt, 1893.
       ■ Andrade, Eugénio de. "White on White." Alexis Levitin, trans. Quarterly Review of Literature. Poetry Series VIII. Vol. 27. Princeton, N.J., 1987.
       ■. Another Name for Earth; O outro nome da terra. Alexis Levitin, trans. Ft. Bragg, Calif.: QED Press, 1997.
       ■ Andresen, Sophia de Mello Breyner. Marine Rose: Selected Poems. Ruth Fain-light, trans. Redding Ridge, Conn.: Swan Books, 1989.
       ■ Antunes, António Lobo. South of Nowhere. Elizabeth Lowe, trans. New York: Random House, 1983.
       ■. Fado Alexandrino. Gregory Rabassa, trans. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1990.
       ■. An Explanation of the Birds. Richard Zenith, trans. New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1991.
       ■. Act of the Damned. New York: Grove Press, 1995.
       ■. The Natural Order of Things. New York: Grove Press, 2000.
       ■ Barreno, Maria Isabel, Maria Teresa Horta, and Maria Velho da Costa. The Three Marias: New Portuguese Letters. Helen R. Lane, trans. New York: Doubleday, 1975.
       ■ Bell, Aubrey F. G. Poems from the Portuguese ( with the Portuguese text). A.
       ■ Bell, trans. Oxford: Blackwell, 1913.
       ■ Camões, Luís de. The Lusiads of Luís de Camões. Leonard Bacon, trans. New York: Hispanic Society of America, 1950.
       ■. The Lusiads. William C. Atkinson, trans. Harmondsworth, U.K.: Penguin, 1952.
       ■. The Lusiads. Landeg White, trans. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997.
       ■ Castelo Branco, Camilo. Doomed Love ( A Family Memoir). Alice R. Clemente, trans Providence, R.I.: Gávea-Brown, 1995. Castro, José Maria Ferreira de. Emigrants. Dorothy Ball, trans. New York: Macmillan, 1962.
       ■. Jungle. Charles Duff, trans. New York: Viking, 1935.
       ■. The Mission. Ann Stevens, trans. London: Hamilton, 1963.
       ■ Dantas, Júlio. The Cardinals' Collation, 48th ed. A. Saintsbury, trans. London, 1962.
       ■ Dias de Melo. Dark Stones. Gregory McNab, trans. Providence, R.I.: Gávea-Brown, 1996.
       ■ Dinis, Júlio. The Fidalgos of Casa Mourisca. Rosanna Dabney, trans. Boston: D. Lothrop, 1891.
       ■ Garrett, Almeida. Brother Luiz de Sousa [play]. Edgar Prestage, trans. London: Elkin Mathess, 1909.
       ■. Travels in My Homeland. John M. Parker, trans. London: Peter Owen and UNESCO, 1987. Griffin, Jonathan. Camões: Some Poems Translated from the Portuguese by Jonathan Griffin. London: Menard Press, 1976. Jorge, Lídia. The Murmuring Coast. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995.
       ■ Lisboa, Eugénio, ed. Portuguese Short Fiction. Manchester, U.K.: Carcanet, 1997.
       ■ Lopes, Fernão. The English in Portugal 1367-87: Extracts from the Chronicles of Dom Fernando and Dom João. Derek W. Lomax and R. J. Oakley, eds. and trans. Warminster, U.K.: Aris & Phillips, 1988.
       ■ Macedo, Helder, ed. Contemporary Portuguese Poetry: An Anthology in English. Helder Macedo, et al., trans. Manchester, U.K.: Carcanet New Press, 1978.
       ■ Martins, J. P. De Oliveira. A History of Iberian Civilization. Aubrey F. G. Bell, trans.; preface by Salvador de Madariaga. New York: Cooper Square, 1969.
       ■ Mendes Pinto, Fernão. The Travels of Mendes Pinto [Orig. title: Peregrinação].
       ■ Rebecca D. Catz, trans., with introduction and notes. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989. Miguéis, José Rodrigues. A Man Smiles at Death with Half a Face. George
       ■ Monteiro, trans. Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1991.
       ■. Happy Easter. John Byrne, trans. Manchester, U.K.: Carcanet, 1995.
       ■. Steerage and Ten Other Stories. George Monteiro, ed. Providence, R.I.: Gávea-Brown, 1998. Monteiro, Luís De Sttau. The Rules of the Game. Ann Stevens, trans. London: Hamilton, 1965.
       ■ Mourão-Ferreira, David. Lucky in Love. Christine Robinson, trans. Manchester, U.K.: Carcanet, 1999. Namora, Fernando. Field of Fate. Dorothy Ball, trans. London: Macmillan, 1970.
       ■. Mountain Doctor. Dorothy Ball, trans. London: Macmillan, 1956.
       ■ Nemésio, Vitorino. Inclement Weather over the Channel. Francisco Cota Fagundes, trans. Providence, R.I.: Gávea-Brown, 1993.
       ■. Stormy Isles: An Azorean Tale. Francisco C. Fagundes, trans. Providence, R.I.: Gávea-Brown, 2000.
       ■ Paço D'Arcos, Joaquim. Memoirs of a Banknote. Robert Lyle, trans. London, 1968.
       ■ Pedroso, Consiglieri, comp. Portuguese Folk-Tales. Henriqueta Monteiro, trans. Reprint of orig. 1882 ed. New York: Benjamin Blom, 1969.
       ■ Pessoa, Fernando. Fernando Pessoa: Sixty Portuguese Poems. F. E. G. Quintanilha, ed. and trans. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1971.
       ■. Selected Poems: Fernando Pessoa. 2nd rev. ed. Jonathan Griffin, trans. Harmondsworth, U.K.: Penguin, 1982.
       ■. The Book of Disquiet. Alfred MacAdams, trans. New York: Pantheon, 1991.
       ■. Fernando Pessoa: Selected Poems. Peter Rickard, ed. and trans. Edinburgh, U.K.: Edinburgh University Press, 1991.
       ■. "The Mariner: A 'Static Drama' in One Act." In Translation: Portugal.
       ■ George Ritchie, et al., trans. The Journal of Literary Translation. Vol. XXV, 38-56. New York: Translation Center, Columbia University, 1991.
       ■. Message: Bilingual Edition. Jonathan Griffin, trans. London: Menard Press and King's College, 1992.
       ■ Pires, José Cardoso. Ballad of a Dog's Beach. Mary Fitton, trans. London: J. M. Dent, 1986.
       ■ Queirós, José Maria Eça de. Cousin Bazilio. Roy Campbell, trans. London: Max Reinhardt, 1953.
       ■. The Relic. Aubrey F. G. Bell, trans. London: Max Reinhardt, 1954.
       ■. The City and the Mountains. Roy Campbell, trans. London: Max Reinhardt, 1955.
       ■. The Sin of Father Amaro. Nan Flanagan, trans. London: Max Reinhardt, 1962.
       ■. The Maias. Patricia McGowan Pinheiro, trans. London: Bodley Head, 1965.
       ■. The Illustrious House of Ramires. Ann Stevens, trans. London: Bodley Head, 1968.
       ■. Letters from England. Ann Stevens, trans. London: Bodley Head, 1970.
       ■. To the Capital. John Vetch, trans. Manchester, U.K.: Carcanet, 1995.
       ■ Quental, Antero de. Sixty-four Sonnets. Edgar Prestage, trans. London: David Nutt, 1894.
       ■ Redol, Alves. The Man with Seven Names. L. L. Barrett, trans. New York: Knopf, 1964.
       ■ Resende, André de. André deResende's 'Poema Latina'/ 'Latinpoems.' J. C. R. Martyn, ed. and trans. Lewiston N.Y.: Lampeter and Edwin Mellen, 1998. Ribeiro, Aquilino. When the Wolves Howl. Patricia McGowan Pinheiro, trans. New York: Macmillan; London: Cape, 1963. Sá Carneiro, Mário de. The Great Shadow ( and Other Stories). Margaret Jull Costa, trans. Sawtry, U.K.: Dedalus, 1996. Santareno, Bernardo. The Promise. Nelson H. Vieira, trans. Providence, R.I.: Gávea-Brown, 1981.
       ■ Saramago, José. Baltasar and Blimunda. Giovanni Pontiero, trans. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1987.
       ■. The Stone Raft. Giovanni Pontiero, trans. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1991.
       ■. The Year of the Death of Ricardo Reis. Giovanni Pontiero, trans. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1991.
       ■. The History of the Siege of Lisbon. Giovanni Pontiero, trans. New York: Harcourt Brace, 1996.
       ■. Blindness. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1999.
       ■. Tale of the Unknown Island. New York: Harcourt Brace, 2000.
       ■. All the Names. Margaret Jull Costa, trans. New York: Harcourt, 2000.
       ■. Journey to Portugal. New York: Harcourt Brace, 2001.
       ■ Sena, Jorge de. The Poetry of Jorge de Sena: A Bilingual Selection. Frederick G. Williams et al., trans. Santa Barbara, Calif.: Mudborn Press, 1980.
       ■. By the Rivers of Babylon and Other Stories. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1989.
       ■ Vicente, Gil. Four Plays of Gil Vicente: Edited from the Editio Princeps ( 1562). Aubrey F. G. Bell, ed. and trans. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1920.
       ■. Lyrics of Gil Vicente. Aubrey F. G. Bell, trans. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Hispanic Notes and Monographs, Portuguese Series 1, 1921.
       ■. The Play of Rubena. Jack E. Tomlins, trans.; Rene P. Garay and José I. Suarez, eds. New York: National Hispanic Foundation for Humanities, 1993.
       ■. The Boat Plays. David Johnston, trans. and adaptation. London: Oberon, 1996.
       ■. Three Discovery Plays. Anthony Lappin, trans. Warminster, U.K.: Aris & Phillips, 1997.
       ■ Vieira, António. Dust Thou Art. Rev. W. Anderson, trans. London, 1882.
       ■ Portuguese and Portuguese-American Cooking: Cuisine
       ■ Anderson, Jean. Food of Portugal. New York: Hearst, 1994. Asselin, E. Donald. A Portuguese-American Cookbook. Rutland, Vt.: Charles E. Tuttle, 1966.
       ■ Bourne, Ursula. Portuguese Cookery. Harmondsworth, U.K.: Penguin, 1973. Crato, Maria Helena Tavares. Cozinha Portuguesa I, II. Lisbon: Editorial Presença, 1978.
       ■ Dienhart, Miriam, and Anne Emerson, ed. Cooking in Portugal. Cascais: American Women of Lisbon, 1978.
       ■ Feibleman, Peter S. The Cooking of Spain and Portugal. New York: Time-Life Books; Foods of the World, 1969.
       ■ Koehler, Margaret H. Recipes from the Portuguese of Provincetown. Riverside, Conn.: Chatham Press, 1973. Manjny, Maite. The Home Book of Portuguese Cookery. London: Faber & Faber, 1974.
       ■ Marques, Susan Lowndes. Good Food from Spain and Portugal. London: Muller, 1956.
       ■ Modesto, Maria de Lourdes. Cozinha Tradicional Portuguesa. Lisbon: Verbo, 1982.
       ■ Ortiz, Elisabeth Lambert. The Food of Spain and Portugal. The Complete Iberian Cuisine. New York: Atheneum, 1989. Pinto, Elvira. La Bonne Cuisine Portugaise. Paris: Edicions Garanciere, 1985.
       ■ Robertson, Carol. Portuguese Cooking: The Authentic and Robust Cuisine of Portugal. Berkeley Calif.: North Atlantic, 1993. Schmaeling, Tony. The Cooking of Spain and Portugal. Ware, U.K.: Omega, 1983.
       ■ Vieira, Édite. The Taste of Portugal. London: Robinson, 1989.
       ■ Von Treskow, Maria. Zü Gast in Portugal: Eine Kulnarische Reise in Garten Europas. Weingarten: Kunstverlag, 1989. Wright, Carol. Portuguese Food. London: Dent, 1969.
       ■ Afonso, Simonetta Luz, and Angela Delaforce. Palace of Queluz The Gardens. Lisbon, 1989.
       ■ Araújo, Iluídio Alves de. Arte Paisagista e Arte das Jardins em Portugal. Lisbon, 1962.
       ■ Azeredo, Francisco de. Casas Senhoriais Portuguesas. Barcelos, 1986.
       ■ Binney, Marcus. Country Manors of Portugal. New York: Scala Books, 1987.
       ■ Bowe, Patrick, and Nicolas Sapieha. Gardens of Portugal. New York: Scala Books and Harper and Row, 1989.
       ■ Cane, Florence du. The Flowers and Gardens of Madeira. London, 1924.
       ■ Cardoso, Pedro Homem, and Helder Carita. Da Grandeza das Jardins em Portugal. Lisbon, 1987.
       ■ Carita, Helder, and Homem Cardoso. Portuguese Gardens. London: Antique Collector's Club, 1987.
       ■ Costa, António da, and Luís de O. Franquinho. Madeira: Plantas e Floras. Funchal, 1986.
       ■ Nichols, Rose Standish. Spanish and Portuguese Gardens. Boston, 1926.
       ■ Pereira, Arthur D. Sintra and Its Farm Manors. Sintra, 1983.
       ■ Sampaio, Gonçalo. Flora Portuguesa. Lisbon, 1946.
       ■ Sitwell, Sacheverell. Portugal and Madeira. London: Batsford, 1945.
       ■ Underwood, John, and Pat Underwood. Landscapes of Madeira. London, 1980.
       ■ Vieira, Rui. Flowers of Madeira. Funchal, 1973.
       ■ Viterbo, Francisco Marques de Sousa. A Jardinagem em Portugal, 2 vols. Coimbra, 1906-9.
       ■ Education, Science, Health, and Medical History
       ■ Albuquerque, Luís de. Estudos de História, 3 vols. Coimbra, 1973-81.
       ■ Baião, Antônio. Episódios Dramáticos da Inquisição Portuguesa, 3 vols. Lisbon, 1936-55.
       ■ Cabreira, Antônio. Portugal nos mares e nas ciências. Lisbon, 1929. Carvalho, Rômulo de. A Astronomia em Portugal (séc. xviii). Lisbon, 1985. Fernandes, Barahona. Egas Moniz: Pioneiro de descobrimentos médicos. Lisbon, 1983.
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       ■ ———. "João de Barros." In Serrao, ed., Dicionário de História de Portugal 1 (1963): 307-8.
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       ■ ———. The Three Marias. New Portuguese Letters. Helen R. Lane, trans. New York: Doubleday, 1975.
       ■ Brettell, Caroline B. We Have Already Cried Many Tears: The Stories of Three Portuguese Migrant Women. Cambridge, Mass.: Schenkman, 1982.
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       ■ Lamas, Maria. As Mulheres do Meu País. Lisbon, 1948.
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       ■ Osório, Ana de Castro. As Mulheres Portuguesas. Lisbon, 1905.
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       ■ Silva, Manuela. The Employment of Women in Portugal. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications, European Communities, 1984. Velho da Costa, Maria. Maina Mendes. Lisbon, 1974.
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       ■ Almeida, Fortunato de. História da Igreja em Portugal. 6 vols. Coimbra, 1910-24, and Oporto, 1967-72. Alonso, Joaquim Maria. The Secret of Fátima: Fact and Legend. Cambridge, Mass.: Ravengate Press, 1979. Alves, José da Felicidade, ed. Católicos e política de Humberto Delgado à Marcelo Caetano. Lisbon, 1969. Araújo, Miguel de, ed. Dicionario político; 1; Os Bispos e a revoluçao de Abril. Lisbon, 1976. Bishko, Charles Julian. Spanish and Portuguese Monastic History 600-1300. London, Variorum Reprints, 1984.
       ■ Blanshard, Paul. Freedom and Catholic Power in Spain and Portugal. Boston: Beacon Press, 1962.
       ■ Boxer, C. R. The Church Militant and Iberian Expansion 1440-1770. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978. Bruneau, Thomas C. "Church and State in Portugal: Crises of Cross and Sword." Journal of Church and State XVIII (1976): 463-90. Freire, José Geraldes. Resistência Católico ao Salazarismo-Marcelismo. Oporto, 1976.
       ■ Herculano, Alexandre. History of the Origin and Establishment of the Inquisition in Portugal. John C. Banner, trans. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1962.
       ■ IPOPE. Estudo sobre liberdade e religião em Portugal. Lisbon, 1973. Johnston, Francis. Fátima: The Great Sign. Chulmleigh, U.K.: Augustine Publications, 1980.
       ■ Kondor, Fr. Louis. Fátima in Lucia's Own Words: Sister Lucia's Memoirs. Fatima: Postulation Center, 1976. Lourenço, Joaquim Maria. Situação jurídica da Igreja em Portugal. Coimbra, 1943.
       ■ Mattoso, José. Religião e Cultura na Idade Média Portuguesa. Lisbon, 1982. Miller, Samuel J. Portugal and Rome c. 1748-1830: An Aspect of Catholic Enlightenment. Rome: Universita Gregoriana Editrice, 1978. O'Malley, John W. The First Jesuits. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993.
       ■ Pattee, Richard. Portugal and the Portuguese World. Milwaukee, Wisc.: Bruce, 1957.
       ■ Prestage, Edgar. Portugal: A Pioneer of Christianity. Lisbon, 1945.
       ■ Richard, Robert. Etudes sur l'histoire morale et religieuse de Portugal. Paris: Centro Cultural de Gulbenkian, 1970.
       ■ Robinson, Richard A. H. "The Religious Question and Catholic Revival in Portugal, 1900-1930." Journal of Contemporary History XII (1977): 345-62.
       ■. Contemporary Portugal: A History. London: Allen & Unwin, 1979.
       ■ Rodrigues, R. P. Francisco. História da Companhia de Jesus na Assistência de Portugal, 7 vols. Lisbon, 1931-50.
       ■ Roth, Cecil. A History of the Marranos. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1932.
       ■ Agriculture, Viticulture, and Fishing
       ■ Abreu-Ferreira, Darlene. "The Portuguese in Newfoundland: Documentary Evidence Examined." Portuguese Studies Review 4, 1 (1995-96): 11-33.
       ■ Allen, H. Warner. The Wines of Portugal. London: Michael Joseph, 1963.
       ■ Barros, Afonso de. A reforma agrária em Portugal. Oeiras, 1979.
       ■ Beamish, Huldine V. The Hills of Alentejo. London: Geoffrey Bles, 1958.
       ■ Bennett, Norman R. "The Golden Age of the Port Wine System, 1781-1807." The International History Review XII (1990): 221-18.
       ■ Black, Richard. "The Myth of Subsistence: Market Production in the Small Farm Sector of Northern Portugal." Iberian Studies 1, 8 (1989): 25-41.
       ■ Bravo, Pedro, and Duarte de Oliveira. Viticulture Moderna. Lisbon, 1974.
       ■. Vinhas e Vinhos De Portugal. Lisbon, 1979.
       ■ Cabral, Manuel V. "Agrarian Structures and Recent Movements in Portugal." Journal of Peasant Studies 4, 5 (July 1978): 411-45.
       ■ Cardoso, José Carvalho. A Agricultura Portuguesa. Lisbon, 1973.
       ■ Carvalho, Bento de. Guía Dos Vinhos Portugueses. Lisbon, 1982.
       ■ Clarke, Robert. Open Boat Whaling in the Azores: The History and Present Methods of a Relic Industry. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1954.
       ■ Cockburn, Ernest. Port Wine and Oporto. London: Wine & Spirit, 1949. Cole, S. C. "Cod, Cod Country and Family: The Portuguese Newfoundland Fishery." Mast 3, 1 (1990): 1-29.
       ■ Coull, James. The Fisheries of Europe. London: G. Bell & Sons, 1972.
       ■ Croft-Cooke, Rupert. Port. London: Putnam, 1957.
       ■. Madeira. London: Putnam, 1961.
       ■ Delaforce, John. The Factory House at Oporto. London: Christie's Wine Publications, 1979 and later eds.
       ■ Doel, Patricia A. Port O'Call: Memories of the Portuguese White Fleet in St. John's Newfoundland. St. John's, Newfoundland: ISER, 1992.
       ■ Fletcher, Wyndham. Port: An Introduction to Its History and Delights. London: Bernet, 1978.
       ■ Francis, A. D. The Wine Trade. London: Adam and Charles Black, 1972.
       ■ Freitas, Eduardo, João Ferreira de Almeida, and Manuel Villaverde Cabral. Modalidades de penetração do capitalismo na agricultura: estruturas agrárias em Portugal Continental, 1950-1970. Lisbon, 1976.
       ■ Gonçalves, Francisco Esteves. Portugal: A Wine Country. Lisbon, 1984.
       ■ Gulbenkian Foundation. Agrarian Reform. Lisbon, 1981.
       ■ Kurlansky, Mark. Cod: A Biography of the Fish That Changed the World. New York: Walker, 1997.
       ■ Malefakis, Edward. "Two Iberian Land Reforms Compared: Spain, 1931-1936 and Portugal, 1974—1978." In Gulbenkian Foundation, Agrarian Reform. Lisbon, 1981.
       ■ Moreira da Fonseca, A. Port Wine: Notes on Its History, Production and Technology. Oporto, 1981.
       ■ Moutinho, M. História da pesca do bacalhau. Lisbon: Imprensa Universitária, 1985.
       ■ Oliveira Marques, A. H. de. lntrodução a história da agricultura em Portugal.
       ■ Lisbon, 1968. Pato, Octávio. O Vinho. Lisbon, 1971.
       ■ Pearson, Scott R. Portuguese Agriculture in Transition. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1987.
       ■ Postgate, Raymond. Portuguese Wine. London: Dent, 1969.
       ■ Read, Jan. The Wines of Portugal. London: Faber & Faber, 1982.
       ■ Robertson, George. Port. London: Faber & Faber, 1982 ed.
       ■ Rutledge, Ian. "Land Reform and the Portuguese Revolution." Journal of Peasant Studies 5, 1 (Oct. 1977): 79-97.
       ■ Sanceau, Elaine. The British Factory at Oporto. Oporto, 1970.
       ■ Simon, Andre L. Port. London: Constable, 1934.
       ■ Simões, J. Os grandes trabalhadores do Mar: Reportagens na Terra Nova e na Groenlândia. Lisbon: Gazeta dos Caminho de Ferro, 1942.
       ■ Smith, Diana. Portugal and the Challenge of 1992: Special Report. New York: Camões Center/RIIC, Columbia University, 1990.
       ■ Stanislawski, Dan. Landscapes of Bacchus: The Vine in Portugal. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1970.
       ■ Teixeira, Carlos, and Victor M. Pereira da Rosa, eds. The Portuguese in Canada: From the Seat to the City. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000.
       ■ Unwin, Tim. "Farmers' Perceptions of Agrarian Change in Northwest Portugal." Journal of Rural Studies 1, 4 (1985): 339-57.
       ■ Valadão do Valle, E. Bacalhau: tradições históricas e económicos. Lisbon, 1991.
       ■ Venables, Bernard. Baleia! The Whalers of Azores. London: Bodley Head, 1968.
       ■ Villiers, Alan. The Quest of the Schooner Argus: A Voyage to the Banks and Greenland. New York: Scribners, 1951. World Bank. Portugal: Agricultural Survey. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1978.
       ■ ECONOMY, INDUSTRY, AND DEVELOPMENT
       ■ Aiyer, Srivain, and Shahid A. Chandry. Portugal and the E.E.C.: Employment and Implications. Lisbon, 1979.
       ■ Baklanoff, Eric N. The Economic Transformation of Spain and Portugal. New York: Praeger, 1978.
       ■. "Changing Systems: The Portuguese Revolution and the Public Enterprise Sector." ACES ( Association of Comparative Economic Studies) Bulletin 26 (Summer-Fall 1984): 63-76.
       ■. "Portugal's Political Economy: Old and New." In K. Maxwell and M. Haltzel, eds., Portugal: Ancient Country, Young Democracy, 37-59. Washington, D.C.: Wilson Center Press, 1990.
       ■ Barbosa, Manuel P. Growth, Migration and the Balance of Payments in a Small, Open Economy. New York: Garland, 1984.
       ■ Braga de Macedo, Jorge, and Simon Serfaty, eds. Portugal since the Revolution: Economic and Political Perspectives. Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1981.
       ■ Carvalho, Camilo, et al. Sabotagem Econômica: " Dossier" Banco Espírito Santo e Comercial de Lisboa. Lisbon, 1975.
       ■ Corkill, David. The Development of the Portuguese Economy: A Case of Euro-peanization. London: Routledge, 1999.
       ■ Cravinho, João. "The Portuguese Economy: Constraints and Opportunities." In K. Maxwell, ed., Portugal in the 1980s, 111-65. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1986.
       ■ Dornsbusch, Rudiger, Richard S. Eckhaus, and Lane Taylor. "Analysis and Projection of Macroeconomic Conditions in Portugal." In L. S. Graham and H. M. Makler, eds., Contemporary Portugal, 299-330. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979.
       ■ The Economist (London). "On the Edge of Europe: A Survey of Portugal." (June 30, 1981): 3-27.
       ■. "Coming Home: A Survey of Portugal." (May 28, 1988).
       ■. 'The New Iberia: Not Quite Kissing Cousins" [Spain and Portugal]. (May 5, 1990): 21-24.
       ■ Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian and German Marshall Fund of the U.S., eds. II Conferência Internacional sobre e Economia Portuguesa, 2 vols. Lisbon, 1979.
       ■ Hudson, Mark. Portugal to 1993: Investing in a European Future. London: The Economist Intelligence Unit/Special Report No. 11 57/EIU Economic Prospects Series, 1989.
       ■ International Labour Office (ILO). Employment and Basic Needs in Portugal. Geneva: ILO, 1979.
       ■ Kavalsky, Basil, and Surendra Agarwal. Portugal: Current and Prospective Economic Trends. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1978.
       ■ Krugman, Paul, and Jorge Braga de Macedo. "The Economic Consequences of the April 25th Revolution." Economia III (1979): 455-83.
       ■ Lewis, John R., and Alan M. Williams. "The Sines Project: Portugal's Growth Centre or White Elephant?" Town Planning Review 56, 3 (1985): 339-66.
       ■ Makler, Harry M. "The Consequences of the Survival and Revival of the Industrial Bourgeoisie." In L. S. Graham and D. L. Wheeler, eds., In Search of Modern Portugal, 251-83. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983.
       ■ Marques, A. La Politique Economique Portugaise dans la Période de la Dictature ( 1926-1974). Doctoral thesis, 3rd cycle, University of Grenoble, France, 1980.
       ■ Martins, B. Sociedades e grupos em Portugal. Lisbon, 1973.
       ■ Mata, Eugenia, and Nuno Valério. História Econômica De Portugal: Uma Perspectiva Global. Lisbon: Edit. Presença, 1994. Murteira, Mário. "The Present Economic Situation: Its Origins and Prospects." In L. S. Graham and H. M. Makler, eds., Contemporary Portugal, 331-42. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979. OCED. Economic Survey: Portugal: 1988. Paris: OCED, 1988 [see also this series since 1978].
       ■ Pasquier, Albert. L'Economie du Portugal: Données et Problémes de Son Expansion. Paris: Librarie Generale de Droit, 1961. Pereira da Moura, Francisco. Para onde vai e economia portuguesa? Lisbon, 1973.
       ■ Pintado, V. Xavier. Structure and Growth of the Portuguese Economy. Geneva: EFTA, 1964.
       ■ Pitta e Cunha, Paulo. "Portugal and the European Economic Community." In L. S. Graham and D. L. Wheeler, eds., In Search of Modern Portugal, 321-38. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983.
       ■. "The Portuguese Economic System and Accession to the European Community." In E. Sousa Ferreira and W. C. Opello, Jr., eds., Conflict and Change in Portugal, 1974-1984, 281-300. Lisbon, 1985. Porto, Manuel. "Portugal: Twenty Years of Change." In Alan Williams, ed., Southern Europe Transformed, 84-112. London: Harper & Row, 1984. Quarterly Economic Review. London: The Economist Intelligence Unit, 1974-present.
       ■ Salgado de Matos, Luís. Investimentos Estrangeiros em Portugal. Lisbon, 1973 and later eds.
       ■ Schmitt, Hans O. Economic Stabilisation and Growth in Portugal. Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund, 1981.
       ■ Smith, Diana. Portugal and the Challenge of 1992. New York: Camões Center, RIIC, Columbia University, 1989.
       ■ Tillotson, John. The Portuguese Bank Note Case [ 1920s]: Legal, Economic and Financial Approaches to the Measure of Damages in Contract. Manchester, U.K.: Faculty of Law, University of Manchester, 1992.
       ■ Tovias, Alfred. Foreign Economic Relations of the Economic Community: The Impact of Spain and Portugal. Boulder, Colo.: Rienner, 1990.
       ■ Valério, Nuno. A moeda em Portugal, 1913-1947. Lisbon: Sá da Costa, 1984.
       ■ World Bank. Portugal: Current and Prospective Economic Trends. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1978 and to the present.
       ■ PHOTOGRAPHY ON PORTUGAL
       ■ Alves, Afonso Manuel, Antônio Sacchetti, and Moura Machado. Lisboa. Lisbon, 1991.
       ■ Antunes, José. Lisboa do nosso olhar; A look on Lisbon. Lisbon: Câmara Municipal de Lisboa, 1991. Beaton, Cecil. Near East. London: Batsford, 1943.
       ■. Lisboa 1942: Cecil Beaton, Lisbon 1942. Lisbon: British Historical Society of Portugal/Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian, 1995.
       ■ Bottineau, Yves. Portugal. London: Thames & Hudson, 1957.
       ■ Câmara Municipal de Lisboa. 7 Olhares ( Seven Viewpoints). Lisbon: Câmara Municipal de Lisboa, 1998.
       ■ Capital, A. Lisboa: Imagens d'A Capital. Lisbon: Edit. Notícias, 1984.
       ■ Dias, Marina Tavares. Photographias de Lisboa, 1900 ( Photographs of Lisbon, 1900). Lisbon: Quimera, 1991.
       ■ Finlayson, Graham, and Frank Tuohy. Portugal. London: Thames & Hudson, 1970.
       ■ Glassner, Helga. Portugal. Berlin-Zurich: Atlantis-Verlag, 1942. Hopkinson, Amanda, ed. Reflections by Ten Portuguese photographers. Bark-way, U.K.: Frontline/Portugal 600, 1996.
       ■ Lima, Luís Leiria, and Isabel Salema. Lisboa de Pedra e Bronze. Lisbon, 1990.
       ■ Martins, Miguel Gomes. Lisboa ribeirinha ( Riverside Lisbon). Lisbon: Arquivo Municipal, Câmara Municipal de Lisboa, Livros Horizonte, 1994. Vieira, Alice. Esta Lisboa ( This Lisbon). Lisbon: Caminho, 1994. Wohl, Hellmut, and Alice Wohl. Portugal. London: Frederick Muller, 1983.
       ■ EQUESTRIANISM
       ■ Andrade, Manoel Carlos de, Luz da Liberal e Nobre Arte da Cavallaria. Lisbon, 1790.
       ■ Graciosa, Filipe. Escola Portuguesa de Arte Equestre. Lisbon, 2004.
       ■ Horsetalk Magazine. Published in New Zealand.
       ■ Oliveira, Nuno. Reflections on the Equestrian Art. London, 2000.
       ■ Russell, Eleanor, ed. The Truth in the Teaching of Nuno Oliveira. Stanhope,
       ■ Queensland, Australia, 2003. Vilaca, Luis V., and Pedro Yglesias d'Oliveira, eds. LUSITANO. Coudelarias De Portugal. O Cavalo ancestral do Sudoeste da Europa. Lisbon: ICONOM, 2005.
       ■ Websites of interest: www.equestrian.pt portugalweb.com

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > CULTURE, LITERATURE, AND LANGUAGE

  • 8 Economy

       Portugal's economy, under the influence of the European Economic Community (EEC), and later with the assistance of the European Union (EU), grew rapidly in 1985-86; through 1992, the average annual growth was 4-5 percent. While such growth rates did not last into the late 1990s, portions of Portugal's society achieved unprecedented prosperity, although poverty remained entrenched. It is important, however, to place this current growth, which includes some not altogether desirable developments, in historical perspective. On at least three occasions in this century, Portugal's economy has experienced severe dislocation and instability: during the turbulent First Republic (1911-25); during the Estado Novo, when the world Depression came into play (1930-39); and during the aftermath of the Revolution of 25 April, 1974. At other periods, and even during the Estado Novo, there were eras of relatively steady growth and development, despite the fact that Portugal's weak economy lagged behind industrialized Western Europe's economies, perhaps more than Prime Minister Antônio de Oliveira Salazar wished to admit to the public or to foreigners.
       For a number of reasons, Portugal's backward economy underwent considerable growth and development following the beginning of the colonial wars in Africa in early 1961. Recent research findings suggest that, contrary to the "stagnation thesis" that states that the Estado Novo economy during the last 14 years of its existence experienced little or no growth, there were important changes, policy shifts, structural evolution, and impressive growth rates. In fact, the average annual gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate (1961-74) was about 7 percent. The war in Africa was one significant factor in the post-1961 economic changes. The new costs of finance and spending on the military and police actions in the African and Asian empires in 1961 and thereafter forced changes in economic policy.
       Starting in 1963-64, the relatively closed economy was opened up to foreign investment, and Lisbon began to use deficit financing and more borrowing at home and abroad. Increased foreign investment, residence, and technical and military assistance also had effects on economic growth and development. Salazar's government moved toward greater trade and integration with various international bodies by signing agreements with the European Free Trade Association and several international finance groups. New multinational corporations began to operate in the country, along with foreign-based banks. Meanwhile, foreign tourism increased massively from the early 1960s on, and the tourism industry experienced unprecedented expansion. By 1973-74, Portugal received more than 8 million tourists annually for the first time.
       Under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano, other important economic changes occurred. High annual economic growth rates continued until the world energy crisis inflation and a recession hit Portugal in 1973. Caetano's system, through new development plans, modernized aspects of the agricultural, industrial, and service sectors and linked reform in education with plans for social change. It also introduced cadres of forward-looking technocrats at various levels. The general motto of Caetano's version of the Estado Novo was "Evolution with Continuity," but he was unable to solve the key problems, which were more political and social than economic. As the boom period went "bust" in 1973-74, and growth slowed greatly, it became clear that Caetano and his governing circle had no way out of the African wars and could find no easy compromise solution to the need to democratize Portugal's restive society. The economic background of the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was a severe energy shortage caused by the world energy crisis and Arab oil boycott, as well as high general inflation, increasing debts from the African wars, and a weakening currency. While the regime prescribed greater Portuguese investment in Africa, in fact Portuguese businesses were increasingly investing outside of the escudo area in Western Europe and the United States.
       During the two years of political and social turmoil following the Revolution of 25 April 1974, the economy weakened. Production, income, reserves, and annual growth fell drastically during 1974-76. Amidst labor-management conflict, there was a burst of strikes, and income and productivity plummeted. Ironically, one factor that cushioned the economic impact of the revolution was the significant gold reserve supply that the Estado Novo had accumulated, principally during Salazar's years. Another factor was emigration from Portugal and the former colonies in Africa, which to a degree reduced pressures for employment. The sudden infusion of more than 600,000 refugees from Africa did increase the unemployment rate, which in 1975 was 10-15 percent. But, by 1990, the unemployment rate was down to about 5-6 percent.
       After 1985, Portugal's economy experienced high growth rates again, which averaged 4-5 percent through 1992. Substantial economic assistance from the EEC and individual countries such as the United States, as well as the political stability and administrative continuity that derived from majority Social Democratic Party (PSD) governments starting in mid-1987, supported new growth and development in the EEC's second poorest country. With rapid infrastruc-tural change and some unregulated development, Portugal's leaders harbored a justifiable concern that a fragile environment and ecology were under new, unacceptable pressures. Among other improvements in the standard of living since 1974 was an increase in per capita income. By 1991, the average minimum monthly wage was about 40,000 escudos, and per capita income was about $5,000 per annum. By the end of the 20th century, despite continuing poverty at several levels in Portugal, Portugal's economy had made significant progress. In the space of 15 years, Portugal had halved the large gap in living standards between itself and the remainder of the EU. For example, when Portugal joined the EU in 1986, its GDP, in terms of purchasing power-parity, was only 53 percent of the EU average. By 2000, Portugal's GDP had reached 75 percent of the EU average, a considerable achievement. Whether Portugal could narrow this gap even further in a reasonable amount of time remained a sensitive question in Lisbon. Besides structural poverty and the fact that, in 2006, the EU largesse in structural funds (loans and grants) virtually ceased, a major challenge for Portugal's economy will be to reduce the size of the public sector (about 50 percent of GDP is in the central government) to increase productivity, attract outside investment, and diversify the economy. For Portugal's economic planners, the 21st century promises to be challenging.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Economy

  • 9 Introduction

       Portugal is a small Western European nation with a large, distinctive past replete with both triumph and tragedy. One of the continent's oldest nation-states, Portugal has frontiers that are essentially unchanged since the late 14th century. The country's unique character and 850-year history as an independent state present several curious paradoxes. As of 1974, when much of the remainder of the Portuguese overseas empire was decolonized, Portuguese society appeared to be the most ethnically homogeneous of the two Iberian states and of much of Europe. Yet, Portuguese society had received, over the course of 2,000 years, infusions of other ethnic groups in invasions and immigration: Phoenicians, Greeks, Celts, Romans, Suevi, Visigoths, Muslims (Arab and Berber), Jews, Italians, Flemings, Burgundian French, black Africans, and Asians. Indeed, Portugal has been a crossroads, despite its relative isolation in the western corner of the Iberian Peninsula, between the West and North Africa, Tropical Africa, and Asia and America. Since 1974, Portugal's society has become less homogeneous, as there has been significant immigration of former subjects from its erstwhile overseas empire.
       Other paradoxes should be noted as well. Although Portugal is sometimes confused with Spain or things Spanish, its very national independence and national culture depend on being different from Spain and Spaniards. Today, Portugal's independence may be taken for granted. Since 1140, except for 1580-1640 when it was ruled by Philippine Spain, Portugal has been a sovereign state. Nevertheless, a recurring theme of the nation's history is cycles of anxiety and despair that its freedom as a nation is at risk. There is a paradox, too, about Portugal's overseas empire(s), which lasted half a millennium (1415-1975): after 1822, when Brazil achieved independence from Portugal, most of the Portuguese who emigrated overseas never set foot in their overseas empire, but preferred to immigrate to Brazil or to other countries in North or South America or Europe, where established Portuguese overseas communities existed.
       Portugal was a world power during the period 1415-1550, the era of the Discoveries, expansion, and early empire, and since then the Portuguese have experienced periods of decline, decadence, and rejuvenation. Despite the fact that Portugal slipped to the rank of a third- or fourth-rate power after 1580, it and its people can claim rightfully an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions that assure their place both in world and Western history. These distinctions should be kept in mind while acknowledging that, for more than 400 years, Portugal has generally lagged behind the rest of Western Europe, although not Southern Europe, in social and economic developments and has remained behind even its only neighbor and sometime nemesis, Spain.
       Portugal's pioneering role in the Discoveries and exploration era of the 15th and 16th centuries is well known. Often noted, too, is the Portuguese role in the art and science of maritime navigation through the efforts of early navigators, mapmakers, seamen, and fishermen. What are often forgotten are the country's slender base of resources, its small population largely of rural peasants, and, until recently, its occupation of only 16 percent of the Iberian Peninsula. As of 1139—10, when Portugal emerged first as an independent monarchy, and eventually a sovereign nation-state, England and France had not achieved this status. The Portuguese were the first in the Iberian Peninsula to expel the Muslim invaders from their portion of the peninsula, achieving this by 1250, more than 200 years before Castile managed to do the same (1492).
       Other distinctions may be noted. Portugal conquered the first overseas empire beyond the Mediterranean in the early modern era and established the first plantation system based on slave labor. Portugal's empire was the first to be colonized and the last to be decolonized in the 20th century. With so much of its scattered, seaborne empire dependent upon the safety and seaworthiness of shipping, Portugal was a pioneer in initiating marine insurance, a practice that is taken for granted today. During the time of Pombaline Portugal (1750-77), Portugal was the first state to organize and hold an industrial trade fair. In distinctive political and governmental developments, Portugal's record is more mixed, and this fact suggests that maintaining a government with a functioning rule of law and a pluralist, representative democracy has not been an easy matter in a country that for so long has been one of the poorest and least educated in the West. Portugal's First Republic (1910-26), only the third republic in a largely monarchist Europe (after France and Switzerland), was Western Europe's most unstable parliamentary system in the 20th century. Finally, the authoritarian Estado Novo or "New State" (1926-74) was the longest surviving authoritarian system in modern Western Europe. When Portugal departed from its overseas empire in 1974-75, the descendants, in effect, of Prince Henry the Navigator were leaving the West's oldest empire.
       Portugal's individuality is based mainly on its long history of distinc-tiveness, its intense determination to use any means — alliance, diplomacy, defense, trade, or empire—to be a sovereign state, independent of Spain, and on its national pride in the Portuguese language. Another master factor in Portuguese affairs deserves mention. The country's politics and government have been influenced not only by intellectual currents from the Atlantic but also through Spain from Europe, which brought new political ideas and institutions and novel technologies. Given the weight of empire in Portugal's past, it is not surprising that public affairs have been hostage to a degree to what happened in her overseas empire. Most important have been domestic responses to imperial affairs during both imperial and internal crises since 1415, which have continued to the mid-1970s and beyond. One of the most important themes of Portuguese history, and one oddly neglected by not a few histories, is that every major political crisis and fundamental change in the system—in other words, revolution—since 1415 has been intimately connected with a related imperial crisis. The respective dates of these historical crises are: 1437, 1495, 1578-80, 1640, 1820-22, 1890, 1910, 1926-30, 1961, and 1974. The reader will find greater detail on each crisis in historical context in the history section of this introduction and in relevant entries.
       LAND AND PEOPLE
       The Republic of Portugal is located on the western edge of the Iberian Peninsula. A major geographical dividing line is the Tagus River: Portugal north of it has an Atlantic orientation; the country to the south of it has a Mediterranean orientation. There is little physical evidence that Portugal is clearly geographically distinct from Spain, and there is no major natural barrier between the two countries along more than 1,214 kilometers (755 miles) of the Luso-Spanish frontier. In climate, Portugal has a number of microclimates similar to the microclimates of Galicia, Estremadura, and Andalusia in neighboring Spain. North of the Tagus, in general, there is an Atlantic-type climate with higher rainfall, cold winters, and some snow in the mountainous areas. South of the Tagus is a more Mediterranean climate, with hot, dry, often rainless summers and cool, wet winters. Lisbon, the capital, which has a fifth of the country's population living in its region, has an average annual mean temperature about 16° C (60° F).
       For a small country with an area of 92,345 square kilometers (35,580 square miles, including the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and the Madeiras), which is about the size of the state of Indiana in the United States, Portugal has a remarkable diversity of regional topography and scenery. In some respects, Portugal resembles an island within the peninsula, embodying a unique fusion of European and non-European cultures, akin to Spain yet apart. Its geography is a study in contrasts, from the flat, sandy coastal plain, in some places unusually wide for Europe, to the mountainous Beira districts or provinces north of the Tagus, to the snow-capped mountain range of the Estrela, with its unique ski area, to the rocky, barren, remote Trás-os-Montes district bordering Spain. There are extensive forests in central and northern Portugal that contrast with the flat, almost Kansas-like plains of the wheat belt in the Alentejo district. There is also the unique Algarve district, isolated somewhat from the Alentejo district by a mountain range, with a microclimate, topography, and vegetation that resemble closely those of North Africa.
       Although Portugal is small, just 563 kilometers (337 miles) long and from 129 to 209 kilometers (80 to 125 miles) wide, it is strategically located on transportation and communication routes between Europe and North Africa, and the Americas and Europe. Geographical location is one key to the long history of Portugal's three overseas empires, which stretched once from Morocco to the Moluccas and from lonely Sagres at Cape St. Vincent to Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It is essential to emphasize the identity of its neighbors: on the north and east Portugal is bounded by Spain, its only neighbor, and by the Atlantic Ocean on the south and west. Portugal is the westernmost country of Western Europe, and its shape resembles a face, with Lisbon below the nose, staring into the
       Atlantic. No part of Portugal touches the Mediterranean, and its Atlantic orientation has been a response in part to turning its back on Castile and Léon (later Spain) and exploring, traveling, and trading or working in lands beyond the peninsula. Portugal was the pioneering nation in the Atlantic-born European discoveries during the Renaissance, and its diplomatic and trade relations have been dominated by countries that have been Atlantic powers as well: Spain; England (Britain since 1707); France; Brazil, once its greatest colony; and the United States.
       Today Portugal and its Atlantic islands have a population of roughly 10 million people. While ethnic homogeneity has been characteristic of it in recent history, Portugal's population over the centuries has seen an infusion of non-Portuguese ethnic groups from various parts of Europe, the Middle East, and Africa. Between 1500 and 1800, a significant population of black Africans, brought in as slaves, was absorbed in the population. And since 1950, a population of Cape Verdeans, who worked in menial labor, has resided in Portugal. With the influx of African, Goan, and Timorese refugees and exiles from the empire—as many as three quarters of a million retornados ("returned ones" or immigrants from the former empire) entered Portugal in 1974 and 1975—there has been greater ethnic diversity in the Portuguese population. In 2002, there were 239,113 immigrants legally residing in Portugal: 108,132 from Africa; 24,806 from Brazil; 15,906 from Britain; 14,617 from Spain; and 11,877 from Germany. In addition, about 200,000 immigrants are living in Portugal from eastern Europe, mainly from Ukraine. The growth of Portugal's population is reflected in the following statistics:
       1527 1,200,000 (estimate only)
       1768 2,400,000 (estimate only)
       1864 4,287,000 first census
       1890 5,049,700
       1900 5,423,000
       1911 5,960,000
       1930 6,826,000
       1940 7,185,143
       1950 8,510,000
       1960 8,889,000
       1970 8,668,000* note decrease
       1980 9,833,000
       1991 9,862,540
       1996 9,934,100
       2006 10,642,836
       2010 10,710,000 (estimated)

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Introduction

  • 10 Social Democratic Party / Partido Social Democrático

    (PSD)
       One of the two major political parties in democratic Portugal. It was established originally as the Popular Democratic Party / Partido Popular Democrático (PPD) in May 1974, following the Revolution of 25 April 1974 that overthrew the Estado Novo. The PPD had its roots in the "liberal wing" of the União Nacional, the single, legal party or movement allowed under the Estado Novo during the last phase of that regime, under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano. A number of future PPD leaders, such as Francisco Sá Carneiro and Francisco Balsemão, hoped to reform the Estado Novo from within, but soon became discouraged. After the 1974 Revolution, the PPD participated in two general elections (April 1975 and April 1976), which were crucial for the establishment and consolidation of democracy, and the party won sufficient votes to become the second largest political party after the Socialist Party (PS) in the number of seats held in the legislature, the Assembly of the Republic. The PPD voting results in those two elections were 26.4 percent and 24.4 percent, respectively.
       After the 1976 elections, the party changed its name from Partido Popular Democrático to Partido Social Democrático (PSD). As political opinion swung from the left to the center and center-right, and with the leadership of Francisco Sá Carneiro, the PSD gained greater popularity and strength, and from 1979 on, the party played an important role in government. After Sá Carneiro died in the air crash of December 1980, he was replaced as party chief and then prime minister by Francisco Balsemão, and then by Aníbal Cavaco Silva. As successors, these two leaders guided the PSD to a number of electoral victories, especially beginning in 1985. After 1987, the PSD held a majority of seats in parliament, a situation that lasted until 1995, when the Socialist Party (PS) won the election.
       The PSD's principal political program has featured the de-Marxi-fication of the 1976 Constitution and the economic system, a free-market economy with privatization of many state enterprises, and close ties with the European Economic Community (EEC) and subsequently the European Union (EU). After the PSD lost several general elections in 1995 and 1999, and following the withdrawal from office of former prime minister Cavaco Silva, a leadership succession crisis occurred in the party. The party leadership shifted from Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa to Manuel Durão Barroso, and, in 2004, Pedro Santana Lopes.
       During 2000 and 2001, as Portugal's economic situation worsened, the PS's popularity waned. In the December 2001 municipal elections, the PSD decisively defeated the PS and, as a result, Prime Minister António Guterres resigned. Parliamentary elections in March 2002 resulted in a Social Democratic victory, although its margin of victory over the PS was small (40 percent to 38 percent). Upon becoming premier in the spring of 2002, then, PSD leader Durão Barroso, in order to hold a slim majority of seats in the Assembly of the Republic, was obliged to govern in a coalition with the Popular Party (PP), formerly known as the Christian Democratic Party (CDS). Although the PSD had ousted the PS from office, the party confronted formidable economic and social problems. When Durão Barroso resigned to become president of the EU Commission, Pedro Santana Lopes became the PSD's leader, as prime minister in July 2004. Under Santana Lopes's leadership, the PSD lost the parliamentary elections of 2005 to the PS. Since then, the PSD has sought to regain its dominant position with the Portuguese electorate. It made some progress in doing so when its former leader, Cavaco Silva, was elected president of the Republic of 2006.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Social Democratic Party / Partido Social Democrático

  • 11 World War II

    (1939-1945)
       In the European phase of the war, neutral Portugal contributed more to the Allied victory than historians have acknowledged. Portugal experienced severe pressures to compromise her neutrality from both the Axis and Allied powers and, on several occasions, there were efforts to force Portugal to enter the war as a belligerent. Several factors lent Portugal importance as a neutral. This was especially the case during the period from the fall of France in June 1940 to the Allied invasion and reconquest of France from June to August 1944.
       In four respects, Portugal became briefly a modest strategic asset for the Allies and a war materiel supplier for both sides: the country's location in the southwesternmost corner of the largely German-occupied European continent; being a transport and communication terminus, observation post for spies, and crossroads between Europe, the Atlantic, the Americas, and Africa; Portugal's strategically located Atlantic islands, the Azores, Madeira, and Cape Verde archipelagos; and having important mines of wolfram or tungsten ore, crucial for the war industry for hardening steel.
       To maintain strict neutrality, the Estado Novo regime dominated by Antônio de Oliveira Salazar performed a delicate balancing act. Lisbon attempted to please and cater to the interests of both sets of belligerents, but only to the extent that the concessions granted would not threaten Portugal's security or its status as a neutral. On at least two occasions, Portugal's neutrality status was threatened. First, Germany briefly considered invading Portugal and Spain during 1940-41. A second occasion came in 1943 and 1944 as Great Britain, backed by the United States, pressured Portugal to grant war-related concessions that threatened Portugal's status of strict neutrality and would possibly bring Portugal into the war on the Allied side. Nazi Germany's plan ("Operation Felix") to invade the Iberian Peninsula from late 1940 into 1941 was never executed, but the Allies occupied and used several air and naval bases in Portugal's Azores Islands.
       The second major crisis for Portugal's neutrality came with increasing Allied pressures for concessions from the summer of 1943 to the summer of 1944. Led by Britain, Portugal's oldest ally, Portugal was pressured to grant access to air and naval bases in the Azores Islands. Such bases were necessary to assist the Allies in winning the Battle of the Atlantic, the naval war in which German U-boats continued to destroy Allied shipping. In October 1943, following tedious negotiations, British forces began to operate such bases and, in November 1944, American forces were allowed to enter the islands. Germany protested and made threats, but there was no German attack.
       Tensions rose again in the spring of 1944, when the Allies demanded that Lisbon cease exporting wolfram to Germany. Salazar grew agitated, considered resigning, and argued that Portugal had made a solemn promise to Germany that wolfram exports would be continued and that Portugal could not break its pledge. The Portuguese ambassador in London concluded that the shipping of wolfram to Germany was "the price of neutrality." Fearing that a still-dangerous Germany could still attack Portugal, Salazar ordered the banning of the mining, sale, and exports of wolfram not only to Germany but to the Allies as of 6 June 1944.
       Portugal did not enter the war as a belligerent, and its forces did not engage in combat, but some Portuguese experienced directly or indirectly the impact of fighting. Off Portugal or near her Atlantic islands, Portuguese naval personnel or commercial fishermen rescued at sea hundreds of victims of U-boat sinkings of Allied shipping in the Atlantic. German U-boats sank four or five Portuguese merchant vessels as well and, in 1944, a U-boat stopped, boarded, searched, and forced the evacuation of a Portuguese ocean liner, the Serpa Pinto, in mid-Atlantic. Filled with refugees, the liner was not sunk but several passengers lost their lives and the U-boat kidnapped two of the ship's passengers, Portuguese Americans of military age, and interned them in a prison camp. As for involvement in a theater of war, hundreds of inhabitants were killed and wounded in remote East Timor, a Portuguese colony near Indonesia, which was invaded, annexed, and ruled by Japanese forces between February 1942 and August 1945. In other incidents, scores of Allied military planes, out of fuel or damaged in air combat, crashed or were forced to land in neutral Portugal. Air personnel who did not survive such crashes were buried in Portuguese cemeteries or in the English Cemetery, Lisbon.
       Portugal's peripheral involvement in largely nonbelligerent aspects of the war accelerated social, economic, and political change in Portugal's urban society. It strengthened political opposition to the dictatorship among intellectual and working classes, and it obliged the regime to bolster political repression. The general economic and financial status of Portugal, too, underwent improvements since creditor Britain, in order to purchase wolfram, foods, and other materials needed during the war, became indebted to Portugal. When Britain repaid this debt after the war, Portugal was able to restore and expand its merchant fleet. Unlike most of Europe, ravaged by the worst war in human history, Portugal did not suffer heavy losses of human life, infrastructure, and property. Unlike even her neighbor Spain, badly shaken by its terrible Civil War (1936-39), Portugal's immediate postwar condition was more favorable, especially in urban areas, although deep-seated poverty remained.
       Portugal experienced other effects, especially during 1939-42, as there was an influx of about a million war refugees, an infestation of foreign spies and other secret agents from 60 secret intelligence services, and the residence of scores of international journalists who came to report the war from Lisbon. There was also the growth of war-related mining (especially wolfram and tin). Portugal's media eagerly reported the war and, by and large, despite government censorship, the Portuguese print media favored the Allied cause. Portugal's standard of living underwent some improvement, although price increases were unpopular.
       The silent invasion of several thousand foreign spies, in addition to the hiring of many Portuguese as informants and spies, had fascinating outcomes. "Spyland" Portugal, especially when Portugal was a key point for communicating with occupied Europe (1940-44), witnessed some unusual events, and spying for foreigners at least briefly became a national industry. Until mid-1944, when Allied forces invaded France, Portugal was the only secure entry point from across the Atlantic to Europe or to the British Isles, as well as the escape hatch for refugees, spies, defectors, and others fleeing occupied Europe or Vichy-controlled Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria. Through Portugal by car, ship, train, or scheduled civil airliner one could travel to and from Spain or to Britain, or one could leave through Portugal, the westernmost continental country of Europe, to seek refuge across the Atlantic in the Americas.
       The wartime Portuguese scene was a colorful melange of illegal activities, including espionage, the black market, war propaganda, gambling, speculation, currency counterfeiting, diamond and wolfram smuggling, prostitution, and the drug and arms trade, and they were conducted by an unusual cast of characters. These included refugees, some of whom were spies, smugglers, diplomats, and business people, many from foreign countries seeking things they could find only in Portugal: information, affordable food, shelter, and security. German agents who contacted Allied sailors in the port of Lisbon sought to corrupt and neutralize these men and, if possible, recruit them as spies, and British intelligence countered this effort. Britain's MI-6 established a new kind of "safe house" to protect such Allied crews from German espionage and venereal disease infection, an approved and controlled house of prostitution in Lisbon's bairro alto district.
       Foreign observers and writers were impressed with the exotic, spy-ridden scene in Lisbon, as well as in Estoril on the Sun Coast (Costa do Sol), west of Lisbon harbor. What they observed appeared in noted autobiographical works and novels, some written during and some after the war. Among notable writers and journalists who visited or resided in wartime Portugal were Hungarian writer and former communist Arthur Koestler, on the run from the Nazi's Gestapo; American radio broadcaster-journalist Eric Sevareid; novelist and Hollywood script-writer Frederick Prokosch; American diplomat George Kennan; Rumanian cultural attache and later scholar of mythology Mircea Eliade; and British naval intelligence officer and novelist-to-be Ian Fleming. Other notable visiting British intelligence officers included novelist Graham Greene; secret Soviet agent in MI-6 and future defector to the Soviet Union Harold "Kim" Philby; and writer Malcolm Muggeridge. French letters were represented by French writer and airman, Antoine Saint-Exupery and French playwright, Jean Giroudoux. Finally, Aquilino Ribeiro, one of Portugal's premier contemporary novelists, wrote about wartime Portugal, including one sensational novel, Volframio, which portrayed the profound impact of the exploitation of the mineral wolfram on Portugal's poor, still backward society.
       In Estoril, Portugal, the idea for the world's most celebrated fictitious spy, James Bond, was probably first conceived by Ian Fleming. Fleming visited Portugal several times after 1939 on Naval Intelligence missions, and later he dreamed up the James Bond character and stories. Background for the early novels in the James Bond series was based in part on people and places Fleming observed in Portugal. A key location in Fleming's first James Bond novel, Casino Royale (1953) is the gambling Casino of Estoril. In addition, one aspect of the main plot, the notion that a spy could invent "secret" intelligence for personal profit, was observed as well by the British novelist and former MI-6 officer, while engaged in operations in wartime Portugal. Greene later used this information in his 1958 spy novel, Our Man in Havana, as he observed enemy agents who fabricated "secrets" for money.
       Thus, Portugal's World War II experiences introduced the country and her people to a host of new peoples, ideas, products, and influences that altered attitudes and quickened the pace of change in this quiet, largely tradition-bound, isolated country. The 1943-45 connections established during the Allied use of air and naval bases in Portugal's Azores Islands were a prelude to Portugal's postwar membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > World War II

  • 12 Godinho, Vitorino Magalhães

    (1918-)
       Historian, academic, political figure. Internationally, Portugal's most celebrated historian of the 20th century. Born into a family with strong republican and antidictatorial tendencies, Godinho chose an academic career following his graduation (1940) in history and philosophy from the Faculty of Letters, University of Lisbon. He taught history at the same institution until 1944, when his academic career was cut short by the Estado Novo's orders. He resumed his academic career in France, where he taught history and received his doctorate in history at the Sorbonne (1959). He returned briefly to Portugal but, during the academic/political crisis of 1962, he was fired from his faculty position at the Instituto Superior de Estudos Ultramarinos in Lisbon.
       In the 1960s and early 1970s, Godinho's scholarly publications on the social and economic history of the Portuguese overseas empire (1400-1700) first made a lasting impact both in Portuguese historiography and world historiography regarding the Age of Discoveries. His notion of a world system or economy, with ample quantitative data on prices, money, and trade in the style and spirit of the French Annales School of History, had an important influence on social scientists outside Portugal, including on American scholar Immanuel Wallerstein and his world system studies. Godinho's work emphasized social and economic history before 1750, and his most notable works included Prix et monnaies au Portugal (1955), A Economia dos Descobrimentos Henriquinos (1962), and, in three volumes, Os Descobrimentos e a Economia Mundial (1963-71).
       As a staunch opponent of the Estado Novo who had been dismissed yet again from 1962 to 1971, Godinho concentrated on his research and publications, as well as continuing activity in oppositionist parties, rallies, and elections. Disillusioned by the false "Spring" of freedom under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano (1968-74), he returned to France to teach. Following the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Godinho returned to newly democratic Portugal. During several provisional governments (1974-75), he was appointed minister of education and initiated reforms. The confusing political maelstrom of revolutionary Portugal, however, discouraged his continuation in public office. He returned to university teaching and scholarship, and then helped establish a new institution of higher learning, the Universidade Nova de Lisboa (New University of Lisbon), where he retired, loaded with honors and acclaim, at age 70 in 1988.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Godinho, Vitorino Magalhães

  • 13 Media

       The purpose of the media during the Estado Novo (1926-74) was to communicate official government policy. Therefore, the government strictly censored newspapers, magazines, and books. Radio and television broadcasting was in the hands of two state-owned companies: Radiodifusão Portuguesa (RDP) and Radiotelevisão Portuguesa (RTP). The first TV broadcasts aired in March 1957, and the official state visit of Queen Elizabeth II of Great Britain to Portugal was featured. The only independent broadcasting company during the Estado Novo was the Catholic Church's Radio Renascença. Writers and journalists who violated the regime's guidelines were severely sanctioned. Under Prime Minister Marcello Caetano, censorship was relaxed somewhat, and writers were allowed to publish critical and controversial works without fear of punishment. Caetano attempted to "speak to the people" through television. Daily program content consisted of little more than government-controlled (and censored) news programs and dull documentaries.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, censorship was abolished. As the revolution veered leftward, some sectors of the media were seized by opponents of the views they expressed. The most famous case was the seizure of Radio Renascença by those who sought to bring it into line with the drift leftward. State ownership of the media was increased after 25 April 1974, when banks were nationalized because most banks owned at least one newspaper. As the Revolution moderated and as banking was privatized during the 1980s and 1990s, newspapers were also privatized.
       The history of two major Lisbon dailies illustrates recent cycles of Portuguese politics and pressures. O Século, a major Lisbon daily paper was founded in 1881 and was influenced by Republican, even Masonic ideas. When the first Republic began in 1910, the editorials of O Século defended the new system, but the economic and social turmoil disillusioned the paper's directors. In 1924, O Século, under publisher João Pereira da Rosa, called for political reform and opposed the Democratic Party, which monopolized elections and power in the Republic. This paper was one of the two most important daily papers, and it backed the military coup of 28 May 1926 and the emergent military dictatorship. Over the history of the Estado Novo, this paper remained somewhat to the left of the other major daily paper in Lisbon, Diário de Notícias, but in 1972 the paper suffered a severe financial crisis and was bought by a Lisbon banker. During the more chaotic times after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, O Século experienced its own time of turmoil, in which there was a split between workers and editors, firings, resignations, and financial trouble. After a series of financial problems and controversy over procommunist staff, the paper was suspended and then ceased publication in February 1977. In the 1990s, there was a brief but unsuccessful attempt to revive O Século.
       Today, the daily paper with the largest circulation is Diário de Notícias of Lisbon, which was established in 1883. It became the major daily paper of record, but after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, like O Século, the paper suffered difficulties, both political and financial. One of its editors in the "hot" summer of 1975 was José Saramago, future Nobel Prize winner in literature, and there was an internal battle in the editorial rooms between factions. The paper was, like O Século, nationalized in 1976, but in 1991, Diário de Notícias was reprivatized and today it continues to be the daily paper of record, leading daily circulation.
       Currently, about 20 daily newspapers are published in Portugal, in Lisbon, the capital, as well as in the principal cities of Oporto, Coimbra, and Évora. The major Lisbon newspapers are Diário de Notícias (daily and newspaper of record), Publico (daily), Correia da Manha (daily), Jornal de Noticias (daily), Expresso (weekly), The Portugal News (English language weekly), The Resident (English language weekly), and Get Real Weekly (English language).
       These papers range from the excellent, such as Público and the Diário de Notícias, to the sensationalistic, such as Correio da Manhã. Portugal's premier weekly newspaper is Expresso, founded by Francisco Balsemão during the last years of Marcello Caetano's governance, whose modern format, spirit, and muted criticism of the regime helped prepare public opinion for regime change in 1974. Another weekly is O Independente, founded in 1988, which specializes in political satire. In addition to these newspapers, Portugal has a large number of newspapers and magazines published for a specific readership: sports fans, gardeners, farmers, boating enthusiasts, etc. In addition to the two state-owned TV channels, Portugal has two independent channels, one of which is operated by the Catholic Church. TV programming is now diverse and sophisticated, with a great variety of programs of both domestic and foreign content. The most popular TV programs have been soap operas and serialized novels ( telenovelas) imported from Brazil. In the 1990s, Portugal attempted to produce its own telenovelas and soap operas, but these have not been as popular as the more exotic Brazilian imports.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Media

  • 14 vogue words, buzz words and catch phrases

    •• Речевая мода и ее влияние на язык – тема неисчерпаемая. Модные слова, «словечки», выражения, фразы – все то, что объединяется английскими словосочетаниями в заголовке этой статьи, – играют огромную роль в развитии любого языка, возможно не меньшую, чем необходимость именовать новые явления действительности. Нельзя согласиться с мнением, что языковая мода – явление чисто паразитарное, эфемерное, что модные слова исчезают, не оставляя следа или перерождаются в стертые клише. Во всех этих «обвинениях» есть доля истины (достаточно вспомнить такие модные сейчас слова-паразиты как как бы и на самом деле), но человек, который хочет понять язык и общество, не может позволить себе ими ограничиваться. Что касается переводчика, то он должен «следить за модой» во всех языках, с которыми он работает.

    •• Почему в какой-то момент большинство из нас вдруг начинает все чаще говорить «однозначно», «структуры», «вменяемый», «разборка», «подковерная борьба» и тому подобное? Для всех этих слов и выражений нетрудно найти синонимы, которыми мы раньше прекрасно обходились. Некоторые из этих слов встречались в нашей речи и раньше, правда, далеко не так часто, как до возникшего поветрия. То же самое происходит время от времени и в английском языке. Чаще всего это происходит так: все большее число говорящих подхватывают какое-либо слово или выражение из числа общеупотребительных (relate to, manipulate, pipeline), терминологических (schizophrenia, subtext, synergy, oxymoron), жаргонных (no-brainer, reality check) и даже иностранных (déjà vu, chic, macho) и без особой на то видимой причины такое слово становится общепонятным в определенном значении (иногда туманном, размытом – relate to, forward-looking, а иногда – в четком и даже единичном – no-brainer, subtext). К этой же категории я отношу популярные в какой-то период словосочетания и «прецедентные высказывания» типа Нам такой хоккей не нужен или The buck stops here (см. статью policy, politics, politician). Учитывая необъятность темы, ограничимся краткими комментариями к этим и нескольким другим чисто иллюстративным примерам.
    •• basket case – это словосочетание приобрело широкое хождение в последние годы, чаще всего в варианте economic basket case:
    •• 1. South Korea’s President converted an economic basket case into an industrial powerhouse (Time). – Президент Южной Кореи привел страну от экономической разрухи к расцвету индустриальной мощи;
    •• 2. After World War I, when the Hapsburg empire was split up, little Austria seemed a basket case (Paul A. Samuelson). – После второй мировой войны и распада габсбургской империи казалось, что экономика маленькой Австрии обречена.
    •• Последний пример заимствован из The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language. Правда, я не согласен с авторами словаря, относящими это выражение к сленгу. Но его определение здесь – ясное и точное: one that is in a completely hopeless or useless condition. Словарь приводит и мрачновато-циничную этимологию этого словосочетания: In origin it had a physical meaning. In the grim slang of the British army during World War I, it referred to a quadruple amputee. Многочисленные примеры подтверждают следующее наблюдение: In popular usage basket case refers to someone in a hopeless mental condition. Вот фраза, найденная на сайте www.gospelcom.net: I don’t want to turn my daughter into some kind of high pressured basket case. – Я не хочу, чтобы моя дочь превратилась в измотанного/перегруженного проблемами неврастеника. If Gloria has one more crisis, she’ll be a basket case (Wayne Magnuson). – Еще один такой кризис, и Глорию впору будет лечить. В 80-е годы культовую популярность приобрел фильм режиссера Фрэнка Хененлаттера Basket Case, но его сюжет подсказывает скорее дословный перевод – «Человек из корзины» (можно, наверное попробовать и что-нибудь типа «Совсем пропащий»).
    •• been there, done that – модное выражение, означающее то же самое, что наше на эти грабли мы (вы) уже наступали. Встречается в речи госсекретаря США Мадлен Олбрайт (вообще любительницы модных словечек);
    •• bragging rights This gives him bragging rights – это то же самое, что и одинаково модное выражение his claim to fame – предмет гордости или апломба;
    •• breathless – в значении, иллюстрируемом приводимыми ниже примерами, этого слова нет ни в одном (!) известном мне словаре английского языка. Возможно, оно не выделяется говорящими по-английски как отдельное значение, но, на мой взгляд, оно этого явно заслуживает. Итак, примеры:
    •• 1. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld spent an hour on television refuting “the questions, allegations and breathless reports” [about the treatment of Al Qaeda prisoners] (Washington Post);
    •• 2. Malcolm Parks, a communications professor at the University of Washington, accuses Young of making “breathless statements” based on skewed stories (Reason Magazine);
    •• 3. More disturbing than this announcement is the Tennis Academy’s breathless characterization of Monique (сайт CNN и Sports Illustrated – www.cnnsi.com).
    •• Посмотрим теперь значения этого слова по одному из наиболее полных словарей – The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language:
    •• 1. Breathing with difficulty; gasping: was breathless from running. 2. Marked by the suspension of regular breathing, as from tension or excitement: a breathless audience. 3. Causing or capable of causing the suspension of regular breathing; tense or exciting: a breathless flight. 4. a) Not breathing; without breath. b) Dead. 5. Having no air or breeze; still: a breathless summer day.
    •• Ни одно из определений явно не подходит к значению слова breathless в наших примерах. Это значение вытекает из своего рода «метафорического расширения» – представим себе человека, делающего какое-то заявление или высказывание, если можно так выразиться, не переводя дыхания, не вздохнув, не подумав. Отсюда предлагаемые переводы. В первом случае: Министр обороны Рамсфельд в течение часа опровергал по телевидению «безосновательные утверждения, вопросы и сообщения» (позволим себе здесь небольшую перестановку). Во втором случае: ...поспешные заявления, основанные на искаженной информации. Наконец, в третьем примере (disturbing... breathless characterization) можно говорить о непродуманной и даже неумной характеристике. В других контекстах могут пригодиться прилагательные опрометчивый, бездумный и, может быть, даже скоропостижный в его новомодном значении (см. русско-английскую часть словаря);
    •• closure – основное значение этого слова (например, в словосочетаниях school closure, military base closure, closure of debate) соответствует русским словам закрытие, завершение, прекращение. Подбор правильного соответствия не требует особых усилий. Правда, в некоторых случаях желательно достаточно полно представлять себе, о чем идет речь. Так, в последнем примере – closure of debate - имеется в виду принятая в Конгрессе США специальная процедура голосования с целью прекратить так называемый филибастер – преднамеренное затягивание прений. Этимологически и в смысловом отношении близко к первоначальному и значение этого слова в словосочетании closure of a deal - примерно то же самое, что у нас оформление сделки. Webster’s Third International Dictionary дает как устаревшее значение agreement. Мне, однако, не раз приходилось слышать его именно в этом значении из уст госсекретаря США Джорджа Шульца: We need to come to closure on this issue before the summit. Дальнейшее развитие основного значения привело к широко распространившемуся в последнее время новому оттенку, еще не отраженному в большинстве словарей. Определение, найденное мною в Cambridge Dictionary of American English, оставляет желать лучшего: the satisfying feeling that something bad or shocking has finally ended (и пример: Only the recovery of the bodies of the victims of the crash would bring closure to their families). Все в этом определении, особенно слово satisfying, сильно огрубляет действительную картину.
    •• Обратимся к материалу телеканала «Би-би-си» о состоявшейся 28 октября 2001 года в Нью-Йорке поминальной службе по жертвам трагедии 11 сентября: One word was on everyone’s lips at Sunday’s memorial service for victims of the World Trade Center disaster – “closure”. Дальше в тексте множество «подсказок», позволяющих точнее истолковать это слово: It is difficult for the grieving relatives to come to terms with their loss... It’s difficult to come to grips with... It’s another step in putting this behind you... и наоборот: This is not closure to me, it just opens a wound. I don’t think I’ll ever heal from this. В другом контексте: Jessica Patterson, a former Enron employee, said Jeffrey K. Skilling, the former chief executive [...] “didn’t say anything that brought any closure” (New York Times). Как мне кажется, перевод этого слова в данном значении почти всегда контекстуален и в какой-то мере – дело вкуса и такта. Это может быть облегчение, исцеление, вариант с глаголами примириться или смириться (с потерей), может быть, даже итог или катарсис. Впрочем, иногда перевод, как говорится, напрашивается: There was much questioning whether the trial would finally bring closure to the single darkest event in the history of Alabama (www.africana.com). – Многие задаются вопросом, сможет ли этот судебный процесс подвести черту под самым мрачным событием в истории Алабамы;
    •• conventional wisdom – популярное с некоторых пор выражение, означающее общепринятое мнение (далее обычно следует его опровержение или уточнение);
    •• to be in denial – из психиатрии это выражение перешло в разряд широко употребительных. Из письма возмущенного читателя (явно не поклонника Клинтона) в редакцию журнала Time: Are we in denial? Are we not aware that America’s declining moral and ethical standards are reflected in the polls that sanction the alleged conduct of the President? ( Sanction здесь означает одобрять, допускать. Случай употребления этого слова в обратном по существу значении см. в статье treat, treatment.) В психиатрии to be in denial означает отторгать, не желать воспринимать неприятную, негативную информацию. В переводе данного примера можно ограничиться вполне обиходным Неужели мы не хотим видеть очевидного?
    •• empower – сверхмодное слово! Его и образованные от него слова см. в статье empower, empowering, empowerment;
    •• forward-looking – стало модно в самое последнее время. Значение довольно размытое. Что-то среднее между прогрессивный, перспективный и интересный, серьезный;
    •• fungible – до недавнего времени это модное словцо, в переводе которого словари вряд ли помогут, встречалось в основном в финансово-экономических текстах: Money is fungible означает, что деньги легко перетекают из одной сферы в другую, что они не могут быть «помечены». Удачного сжатого русского перевода мне не встречалось. Но вот недавно в журнале Fortune обратило на себя внимание такое предложение: In Florio’s hands, truth is a fungible commodity. Inside the company it is well known, as a former executive puts it, that “anytime Florio tells you a number, you should cut it in half.” Из контекста очевиден смысл: Для Флорио правда – понятие растяжимое. Еще пример из «антиклинтоновской речи» сенатора Либермана: I am afraid that the misconduct the president has admitted may be reinforcing one of the worst messages being delivered by our popular culture, which is that values are fungible. Здесь тот же смысл:...недопустимое поведение президента подкрепляет утвердившееся в нашей культуре вредоносное утверждение, что мораль – понятие растяжимое/условное/относительное;
    •• get a life – недавно это выражение встретилось в неожиданном контексте – кроссворде в газете New York Times. Там оно определено просто – a 90’s catch phrase. Обычно эта фраза (в повелительном наклонении) обращена к юным лоботрясам: Get a life! Означает примерно Возьмись за ум! или Не проспи жизнь!
    •• hoops – новомодное (после вышедшего несколько лет назад одноименного документального фильма о подающих надежды юных баскетболистах) значение этого слова пока нашло отражение только в некоторых Интернет-словарях, например в www.dictionary.com. Hoops – баскетбол (делится на pro и college – профессиональный и по правилам университетской лиги), hoopster – баскетболист;
    •• governance – согласно словарям – книжное. В последнее время стало широко употребимым. См. в статье government, governance;
    •• hyperventilateНовый БАРС содержит слово hyperventilation с пометой физиол., мед. – гипервентиляция, перенасыщение кислородом крови. Глагол to hyperventilate – глубоко дышать, практиковать глубокое дыхание. В толковых словарях английского языка информации больше. The American Heritage Dictionary определяет to hyperventilate как to breathe abnormally fast or deeply; to breathe in this manner as from excitement or anxiety. Войдя в моду, это слово стало означать нечто вроде задыхаться от возмущения, возбуждения или в пылу полемики. Часто приходится подыскивать контекстуальный перевод, что можно проиллюстрировать следующими примерами:
    •• 1. Some of Mr. Ashcroft’s critics want to use his nomination to hyperventilate about abortion and the like (Wall Street Journal). - Некоторые критики г-на Эшкрофта хотят использовать его назначение, чтобы устроить истерику по поводу таких проблем, как аборты;
    •• 2. Try not to hyperventilate and reach for the Rolaids when CNBC shows shiny graphics of your stocks soaring on one day and plummeting the next (из брошюры инвестиционного дома Charles Schwab Tips on Buying Stocks for Beginners). – Старайтесь не паниковать/не падать в обморок всякий раз, когда вы видите по телевизору красочные диаграммы, показывающие, как акции, еще вчера шедшие резко вверх, обрушиваются вниз ( Rolaids – таблетки от изжоги, но в данном случае этой реалией можно в переводе пренебречь);
    •• 3. Even if you hyperventilate at the idea of looking for a new job, there are times when you should do it (Washingtonian). – Даже если вам противна сама мысль о поисках работы, бывают моменты, когда этим приходится заняться;
    •• 4. Democrats, it seems, are into sex, while Republicans hyperventilate on power (рецензия на кинофильм Clear and Present Danger). – Похоже, что демократы увлекаются сексом, а республиканцы помешаны на власти;
    •• manipulate, manipulative – не все словари фиксируют значение этого глагола ловко использовать в собственных целях. Соответственно, модное He is very manipulative невозможно перевести при помощи «эквивалента», предлагаемого Новым БАРСом,- связанный с манипуляцией, управлением ( машиной и т.п.). Возможный контекстуальный перевод: Он мастер интриги или Он ловко манипулирует людьми;
    •• no-brainer – из молодежного жаргона перешло в обиходную речь многих американцев (аналогичный пример – слова cool, weird, в комментариях не нуждающиеся). Значение этого словца простое – эквивалент нашего тоже «молодежного» – это ежу ясно;
    •• oxymoron – для большинства из нас полузабытый термин из области языкознания (стилистический прием, основанный на сочетании антонимических по значению слов, например, cruel kindness). Для образованных англичан и американцев – любое внутренне противоречивое высказывание или явление (см. также статью schizophrenia, schizophrenic). The radical center is an oxymoron only if you believe that the left and right still define all the worthwhile ideas and policies (New Yorker). – Концепция «радикального центра» внутренне противоречива лишь в глазах тех, кто считает, что все идеи и политические направления по-прежнему сводятся к «левым» и «правым»;
    •• pipeline – пример модного сейчас употребления этого слова (кстати, отраженного в наиболее полных словарях) из журнала Fortune: The firm is running off its backlog, and the pipeline is running dry. – Фирма работает за счет прежних заказов, а новых становится все меньше. In the pipeline – близко к русскому в работе, на подходе;
    •• proactiveсм. отдельную словарную статью;
    •• reinvent – вошло в моду в 1990-е годы. To reinvent government – переосмыслить роль государства; to reinvent welfare – перестроить систему социальной помощи;
    •• relate to – фраза I don’t relate to it может означать едва ли не все, что угодно, например, Мне это неинтересно, или Я этого не понимаю, или даже Я с этим не согласен. То входит в моду, то выходит из нее;
    •• reality check – первоначально из молодежного жаргона. Из речи yuppies – состоятельных молодых людей либеральных профессий – перекочевало в лексику различных слоев общества. Mrs. Albright... said she aimed to provide both Israelis and Palestinians with a reality check (International Herald Tribune). – Олбрайт заявила, что собирается напомнить как израильтянам, так и палестинцам о некоторых реальностях;
    •• schizophreniaсм. отдельную словарную статью;
    •• stakeholder – до недавнего времени просто акционер, но в последние два-три года с быстротой молнии распространилось новое значение – сторона, участник какого-либо общественного процесса. Как правило, имеются в виду государство, деловые круги, общественные движения, организации, отражающие интересы различных слоев общества, и т.д. Отсюда словосочетание multistakeholder dialogue, которое, чтобы не усложнять себе жизнь, лучше переводить просто многосторонний диалог;
    •• synergy – согласно Новому БАРСу, это слово относится либо к медицинской терминологии ( синергия), либо к разряду книжных слов. В современном английском встречается сплошь и рядом в значении сочетание взаимно усиливающих друг друга сил, явлений, тенденций и т.п. или просто любое сочетание, как в этом примере из журнала New Yorker: I don’t think that these synergies would work. I wonder whether a writer would want to spend his time managing his business rather than writing;
    •• vision – это чрезвычайно модное слово см. в статье philosophy;
    •• to walk the talk – неожиданно вошедшая в моду фраза, выражающая мысль о том, что слово не должно расходиться с делом. Lazard is a group of important people giving important people advice. Doubtless Rohatyn counted himself among the former, and he did walk the talk (Fortune);
    •• - wise – так же, как и -ism, относится к модным суффиксам. При его помощи образуются какие угодно слова – policy-wise, talent-wise, credibility-wise и т.д. Все они без особого труда понимаются и переводятся при помощи словосочетаний с точки зрения, в смысле, в аспекте.
    •• В заключение простой совет – не увлекайтесь модными словами и фразами (равно как и жаргонными и другими фразеологическими выражениями) по крайней мере до тех пор, пока у вас не будет уверенности, что вы их полностью «прочувствовали». Иначе можно попасть впросак, перепутав или смысл, или связанные со словом ассоциации, или допустив совсем ненужную вам иронию. За модой надо, конечно, следить, быть «во всеоружии», но, мне кажется, что говорить на иностранном языке, да и на родном, надо просто и ясно.

    English-Russian nonsystematic dictionary > vogue words, buzz words and catch phrases

  • 15 Caetano, Marcello José das Neves Alves

    (19061980)
       Marcello Caetano, as the last prime minister of the Estado Novo, was both the heir and successor of Antônio de Oliveira Salazar. In a sense, Caetano was one of the founders and sustainers of this unusual regime and, at various crucial stages of its long life, Caetano's contribution was as important as Salazar's.
       Born in Lisbon in 1906 to a middle-class family, Caetano was a member of the student generation that rebelled against the unstable parliamentary First Republic and sought answers to Portugal's legion of troubles in conservative ideologies such as integralism, Catholic reformism, and the Italian Fascist model. One of the most brilliant students at the University of Lisbon's Law School, Caetano soon became directly involved in government service in various ministries, including Salazar's Ministry of Finance. When Caetano was not teaching full-time at the law school in Lisbon and influencing new generations of students who became critical of the regime he helped construct, Caetano was in important government posts and working on challenging assignments. In the 1930s, he participated in reforms in the Ministry of Finance, in the writing of the 1933 Constitution, in the formation of the new civil code, of which he was in part the author, and in the construction of corporativism, which sought to control labor-management relations and other aspects of social engineering. In a regime largely directed by academics from the law faculties of Coimbra University and the University of Lisbon, Caetano was the leading expert on constitutional law, administrative law, political science, and colonial law. A prolific writer as both a political scientist and historian, Caetano was the author of the standard political science, administrative law, and history of law textbooks, works that remained in print and in use among students long after his exile and death.
       After his apprenticeship service in a number of ministries, Caetano rose steadily in the system. At age 38, he was named minister for the colonies (1944 47), and unlike many predecessors, he "went to see for himself" and made important research visits to Portugal's African territories. In 1955-58, Caetano served in the number-three position in the regime in the Ministry of the Presidency of the Council (premier's office); he left office for full-time academic work in part because of his disagreements with Salazar and others on regime policy and failures to reform at the desired pace. In 1956 and 1957, Caetano briefly served as interim minister of communications and of foreign affairs.
       Caetano's opportunity to take Salazar's place and to challenge even more conservative forces in the system came in the 1960s. Portugal's most prominent law professor had a public falling out with the regime in March 1962, when he resigned as rector of Lisbon University following a clash between rebellious students and the PIDE, the political police. When students opposing the regime organized strikes on the University of Lisbon campus, Caetano resigned his rectorship after the police invaded the campus and beat and arrested some students, without asking permission to enter university premises from university authorities.
       When Salazar became incapacitated in September 1968, President Américo Tomás named Caetano prime minister. His tasks were formidable: in the midst of remarkable economic growth in Portugal, continued heavy immigration of Portuguese to France and other countries, and the costly colonial wars in three African colonies, namely Angola, Guinea- Bissau, and Mozambique, the regime struggled to engineer essential social and political reforms, win the wars in Africa, and move toward meaningful political reforms. Caetano supported moderately important reforms in his first two years in office (1968-70), as well as the drafting of constitutional revisions in 1971 that allowed a slight liberalization of the Dictatorship, gave the opposition more room for activity, and decentrali zed authority in the overseas provinces (colonies). Always aware of the complexity of Portugal's colonial problems and of the ongoing wars, Caetano made several visits to Africa as premier, and he sought to implement reforms in social and economic affairs while maintaining the expensive, divisive military effort, Portugal's largest armed forces mobilization in her history.
       Opposed by intransigent right-wing forces in various sectors in both Portugal and Africa, Caetano's modest "opening" of 1968-70 soon narrowed. Conservative forces in the military, police, civil service, and private sectors opposed key political reforms, including greater democratization, while pursuing the military solution to the African crisis and personal wealth. A significant perspective on Caetano's failed program of reforms, which could not prevent the advent of a creeping revolution in society, is a key development in the 1961-74 era of colonial wars: despite Lisbon's efforts, the greater part of Portuguese emigration and capital investment during this period were directed not to the African colonies but to Europe, North America, and Brazil.
       Prime Minister Caetano, discouraged by events and by opposition to his reforms from the so-called "Rheumatic Brigade" of superannuated regime loyalists, attempted to resign his office, but President Américo Tomás convinced him to remain. The publication and public reception of African hero General Antônio Spinola's best-selling book Portugal e Futuro (Portugal and the Future) in February 1974 convinced the surprised Caetano that a coup and revolution were imminent. When the virtually bloodless, smoothly operating military coup was successful in what became known as the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Caetano surrendered to the Armed Forces Movement in Lisbon and was flown to Madeira Island and later to exile in Brazil, where he remained for the rest of his life. In his Brazilian exile, Caetano was active writing important memoirs and histories of the Estado Novo from his vantage point, teaching law at a private university in Rio de Janeiro, and carrying on a lively correspondence with persons in Portugal. He died at age 74, in 1980, in Brazil.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Caetano, Marcello José das Neves Alves

  • 16 basket case

    относится к числу модных словечек (см. vogue words - определение см. пример 1) - перевод зависит от контекста

    1. Basket case - one that is in a completely hopeless or useless condition. In origin it had a physical meaning. In the grim slang of the British army during World War I, it referred to a quadruple amputee. In popular usage basket case refers to someone in a hopeless mental condition (The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language).

    2. I don't want to turn my daughter into some kind of high pressured basket case. — Я не хочу, чтобы моя дочь превратилась в измотанного/перегруженного проблемами неврастеника.

    3. If Gloria has one more crisis, she'll be a basket case (Wayne Magnuson). — Еще один такой кризис, и Глорию впору будет лечить.

    4. After World War I, when the Hapsburg empire was split up, little Austria seemed a basket case (Paul A. Samuelson). — После второй мировой войны и распада габсбургской империи казалось, что экономика маленькой Австрии обречена.

    5. " Basket Case" (популярный в 80-е фильм режиссера Фрэнка Хененлаттера) — «Человек из корзины» / «Совсем пропащий»

    The English annotation is below. (English-Russian) > basket case

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